land　of　our　own　language；　morals；　manners；　and　habits。　　To　make　the
  selection　we　send　a　special　agent；　M'r　Francis　W。　Gilmer；　who　will
  have　the　honor　of　delivering　you　this　letter。　　He　is　well　educated
  himself　in　most　of　the　branches　of　science；　of　correct　morals　and
  habits；　an　enlarged　mind；　and　a　discretion　meriting　entire
  confidence。　　From　the　universities　of　Oxford　and　Cambridge；　where　we
  expect　he　will　find　persons　duly　qualified　in　the　particular　branches
  in　which　these　seminaries　are　respectively　eminent；　he　will　pass　on
  to　Edinburg；　distinguished　for　it's　school　of　Medicine　as　well　as　of
  other　sciences；　but　when　arrived　there　he　will　be　a　perfect　stranger；
  and　would　have　to　grope　his　way　in　darkness　and　uncertainty；　you　can
  lighten　his　path；　and　to　beseech　you　to　do　so　is　the　object　of　this
  letter。　　Your　knolege　of　persons　and　characters　there　can　guard　him
  against　being　misled　and　lead　him　to　the　consummation　of　our　wishes。
  We　do　not　expect　to　engage　the　high　characters　there　who　are　at　the
  head　of　their　schools；　established　in　offices；　honors；　&　emoluments
  which　can　be　bettered　no　where。　　But　we　know　there　is　always　a　junior
  set　of　aspirants；　treading　on　their　heels；　ready　to　take　their
  places；　and　as　well　&　sometimes　better　qualified　than　they　are。
  These　persons；　unsettled　as　yet；　surrounded　by　competitors　of　equal
  claims；　and　perhaps　greater　credit　and　interest；　may　be　willing　to
  accept　immediately　a　comfortable　certainty　here　in　place　of　uncertain
  hopes　there；　and　a　lingering　delay　of　even　these。　　From　this
  description　of　persons　we　may　hope　to　procure　characters　of　the　first
  order　of　science。　　But　how　to　distinguish　them？　　For　we　are　told　that
  were　the　mission　of　our　agent　once　known；　he　would　be　overwhelmed
  with　applicants；　unworthy　as　well　as　worthy；　yet　all　supported　on
  recommendns　and　certificates　equally　exaggerated；　and　by　names　so
  respectable　as　to　confound　all　discrimination。　　Yet　this
  discrimination　is　all　important　to　us。　　An　unlucky　selection　at　first
  would　blast　all　our　prospects。　　Let　me　beseech　you；　then；　good　Sir；
  to　lead　Mr。　Gilmer　by　the　hand　in　his　researches；　to　instruct　him　as
  to　the　competent　characters；　&　guard　him　against　those　not　so。
  Besides　the　first　degree　of　eminence　in　science；　a　professor　with　us
  must　be　of　sober　and　correct　morals　&　habits；　having　the　talent　of
  communicating　his　knolege　with　facility；　and　of　an　accomodating　and
  peaceable　temper。　　The　latter　is　all　important　for　the　harmony　of　the
  institution。　　For　minuter　particulars　I　will　refer　you　to　Mr。　Gilmer；
  who　possesses　a　full　knolege　of　everything　&　our　full　confidence　in
  everything。　　He　takes　with　him　plans　of　our　establm't；　which　will
  shew　the　comfortable　accommodns　provided　for　the　professors；　whether
  with　or　without　families；　and　by　the　expensiveness　and　extent　of　the
  scale　they　will　see　it　is　not　an　ephemeral　thing　to　which　they　are
  invited。
  A　knolege　of　your　character　&　disposns　to　do　good　dispenses
  with　all　apology　for　the　trouble　I　give　you。　　While　the　character　and
  success　of　this　institN；　involving　the　future　hopes　and　happiness　of
  my　country；　will　justify　the　anxieties　I　feel　in　the　choice　of　it's
  professors；　I　am　sure　the　object　will　excite　in　your　breast　such
  sympathies　of　kind　disposN；　as　will　give　us　the　benefits　we　ask　of
  your　counsels　&　attentions。　　And；　with　my　acknolegements　for　these；
  accept　assurances　of　constant　and　sincere　attamt；　esteem　&　respect。
  SAXONS；　CONSTITUTIONS；　AND　A　CASE　OF　PIOUS　FRAUD
  _To　Major　John　Cartwright_
  _Monticello；　June　5；　1824_
  DEAR　AND　VENERABLE　SIR；　　I　am　much　indebted　for　your　kind
  letter　of　February　the　29th；　and　for　your　valuable　volume　on　the
  English　constitution。　　I　have　read　this　with　pleasure　and　much
  approbation；　and　think　it　has　deduced　the　constitution　of　the　English
  nation　from　its　rightful　root；　the　Anglo…Saxon。　　It　is　really
  wonderful；　that　so　many　able　and　learned　men　should　have　failed　in
  their　attempts　to　define　it　with　correctness。　　No　wonder　then；　that
  Paine；　who　thought　more　than　he　read；　should　have　credited　the　great
  authorities　who　have　declared；　that　the　will　of　parliament　is　the
  constitution　of　England。　　So　Marbois；　before　the　French　revolution；
  observed　to　me；　that　the　Almanac　Royal　was　the　constitution　of
  France。　　Your　derivation　of　it　from　the　Anglo…Saxons；　seems　to　be
  made　on　legitimate　principles。　　Having　driven　out　the　former
  inhabitants　of　that　part　of　the　island　called　England；　they　became
  aborigines　as　to　you；　and　your　lineal　ancestors。　　They　doubtless　had
  a　constitution；　and　although　they　have　not　left　it　in　a　written
  formula；　to　the　precise　text　of　which　you　may　always　appeal；　yet　they
  have　left　fragments　of　their　history　and　laws；　from　which　it　may　be
  inferred　with　considerable　certainty。　　Whatever　their　history　and
  laws　shew　to　have　been　practised　with　approbation；　we　may　presume　was
  permitted　by　their　constitution；　whatever　was　not　so　practised；　was
  not　permitted。　　And　although　this　constitution　was　violated　and　set
  at　naught　by　Norman　force；　yet　force　cannot　change　right。　　A
  perpetual　claim　was　kept　up　by　the　nation；　by　their　perpetual　demand
  of　a　restoration　of　their　Saxon　laws；　which　shews　they　were　never
  relinquished　by　the　will　of　the　nation。　　In　the　pullings　and　haulings
  for　these　antient　rights；　between　the　nation；　and　its　kings　of　the
  races　of　Plantagenets；　Tudors　and　Stuarts；　there　was　sometimes　gain；
  and　sometimes　loss；　until　the　final　re…conquest　of　their　rights　from
  the　Stuarts。　　The　destitution　and　expulsion　of　this　race　broke　the
  thread　of　pretended　inheritance；　extinguished　all　regal　usurpations；
  and　the　nation　re…entered　into　all　its　rights；　and　although　in　their
  bill　of　rights　they　specifically　reclaimed　some　only；　yet　the
  omission　of　the　others　was　no　renunciation　of　the　right　to　assume
  their　exercise　also；　whenever　occasion　should　occur。　　The　new　King
  received　no　rights　or　powers；　but　those　expressly　granted　to　him。　　It
  has　ever　appeared　to　me；　that　the　difference　between　the　whig　and　the
  tory　of　England　is；　that　the　whig　deduces　his　rights　from　the
  Anglo…Saxon　source；　and　the　tory　from　the　Norman。　　And　Hume；　the
  great　apostle　of　toryism；　says；　in　so　many　words；　note　AA　to　chapter
  42；　that；　in　the　reign　of　the　Stuarts；　‘it　was　the　people　who
  encroached　upon　the　sovereign；　not　the　sovereign　who　attempted；　as　is
  pretended；　to　usurp　upon　the　people。'　This　supposes　the　Norman
  usurpations　to　be　rights　in　his　successors。　　And　again；　C；　159；　‘the
  commons　established　a　principle；　which　is　noble　in　itself；　and　seems
  specious；　but　is　belied　by　all　history　and　experience；　_that　the
  people　are　the　origin　of　all　just　power_。'　And　where　else　will　this
  degenerate　son　of　science；　this　traitor　to　his　fellow　men；　find　the
  origin　of　just　powers；　if　not　in　the　majority　of　the　society？　　Will
  it　be　in　the　minority？　　Or　in　an　individual　of　that　minority？
  Our　Revolution　commenced　on　more　favorable　ground。　　It
  presented　us　an　album　on　which　we　were　free　to　write　what　we　pleased。
  We　had　no　occasion　to　search　into　musty　records；　to　hunt　up　royal
  parchments；　or　to　investigate　the　laws　and　institutions　of　a
  semi…barbarous　ancestry。　　We　appealed　to　those　of　nature；　and　found
  them　engraved　on　our　hearts。　　Yet　we　did　not　avail　ourselves　of　all
  the　advantages　of　our　position。　　We　had　never　been　permitted　to
  exercise　self…government。　　When　forced　to　assume　it；　we　were　novices
  in　its　science。　　Its　principles　and　forms　had　entered　little　into　our
  former　education。　　We　established　however　some；　although　not　all　its
  important　principles。　　The　constitutions　of　most　of　our　States
  assert；　that　all　power　is　inherent　in　the　people；　that　they　may
  exercise　it　by　themselves；　in　all　cases　to　which　they　think
  themselves　competent；　（as　in　electing　their　functionaries　executive
  and　legislative；　and　deciding　by　a　jury　of　themselves；　in　all
  judiciary　cases　in　which　any　fact　is　involved；）　or　they　may　act　by
  representatives；　freely　and　equally　chosen；　that　it　is　their　right
  and　duty　to　be　at　all　times　armed；　that　they　are　entitled　to　freedom
  of　person；　freedom　of　religion；　freedom　of　property；　and　freedom　of
  the　press。　　In　the　structure　of　our　legislatures；　we　think　experience
  has　proved　the　benefit　of　subjecting　questions　to　two　separate　bodies
  of　deliberants；　but　in　constituting　these；　natural　right　has　been
  mistaken；　some　making　one　of　these　bodies；　and　some　both；　the
  representatives　of　property　instead　of　persons；　whereas　the　double
  deliberation　might　be　as　well　obtained　without　any　violation　of　true
  principle；　either　by　requiring　a　greater　age　in　one　of　the　bodies；　or
  by　electing　a　proper　number　of　representatives　of　persons；　dividing
  them　by　lots　into　two　chambers；　and　renewing　the　division　at　frequent
  intervals；　in　order　to　break　up　all　cabals。　　Virginia；　of　which　I　am
  myself　a　native　and　resident；　w