out　against　the　GAULS　and　LATINS。　Instead　of　those　soldiers　who
  fought　for　liberty　and　empire　in　CAMILLUS'S　time；　there　were；　in
  AUGUSTUS'S　days；　musicians；　painters；　cooks；　players；　and
  tailors；　and　if　the　land　was　equally　cultivated　at　both　periods；
  it　could　certainly　maintain　equal　numbers　in　the　one　profession
  as　in　the　other。　They　added　nothing　to　the　mere　necessaries　of
  life；　in　the　latter　period　more　than　in　the　former。
  It　is　natural　on　this　occasion　to　ask；　whether　sovereigns　may
  not　return　to　the　maxims　of　ancient　policy；　and　consult　their　own
  interest　in　this　respect；　more　than　the　happiness　of　their
  subjects？　I　answer；　that　it　appears　to　me；　almost　impossible；　and
  that　because　ancient　policy　was　violent；　and　contrary　to　the　more
  natural　and　usual　course　of　things。　It　is　well　known　with　what
  peculiar　laws　SPARTA　was　governed；　and　what　a　prodigy　that
  republic　is　justly　esteemed　by　every　one；　who　has　considered
  human　nature　as　it　has　displayed　itself　in　other　nations；　and
  other　ages。　Were　the　testimony　of　history　less　positive　and
  circumstantial；　such　a　government　would　appear　a　mere
  philosophical　whim　or　fiction；　and　impossible　ever　to　be　reduced
  to　practice。　And　though　the　ROMAN　and　other　ancient　republics
  were　supported　on　principles　somewhat　more　natural；　yet　was　there
  an　extraordinary　concurrence　of　circumstances　to　make　them　submit
  to　such　grievous　burthens。　They　were　free　states；　they　were　small
  ones；　and　the　age　being　martial；　all　their　neighbours　were
  continually　in　arms。　Freedom　naturally　begets　public　spirit；
  especially　in　small　states；　and　this　public　spirit；　this　amor
  patriae；　must　encrease；　when　the　public　is　almost　in　continual
  alarm；　and　men　are　obliged；　every　moment；　to　expose　themselves　to
  the　greatest　dangers　for　its　defence。　A　continual　succession　of
  wars　makes　every　citizen　a　soldier：　He　takes　the　field　in　his
  turn：　And　during　his　service　he　is　chiefly　maintained　by　himself。
  This　service　is　indeed　equivalent　to　a　heavy　tax；　yet　is　it　less
  felt　by　a　people　addicted　to　arms；　who　fight　for　honour　and
  revenge　more　than　pay；　and　are　unacquainted　with　gain　and
  industry　as　well　as　pleasure。　Not　to　mention　the　great　equality
  of　fortunes　among　the　inhabitants　of　the　ancient　republics；　where
  every　field；　belonging　to　a　different　proprietor；　was　able　to
  maintain　a　family；　and　rendered　the　numbers　of　citizens　very
  considerable；　even　without　trade　and　manufactures。
  But　though　the　want　of　trade　and　manufactures；　among　a　free
  and　very　martial　people；　may　sometimes　have　no　other　effect　than
  to　render　the　public　more　powerful；　it　is　certain；　that；　in　the
  common　course　of　human　affairs；　it　will　have　a　quite　contrary
  tendency。　Sovereigns　must　take　mankind　as　they　find　them；　and
  cannot　pretend　to　introduce　any　violent　change　in　their
  principles　and　ways　of　thinking。　A　long　course　of　time；　with　a
  variety　of　accidents　and　circumstances；　are　requisite　to　produce
  those　great　revolutions；　which　so　much　diversify　the　face　of
  human　affairs。　And　the　less　natural　any　set　of　principles　are；
  which　support　a　particular　society；　the　more　difficulty　will　a
  legislator　meet　with　in　raising　and　cultivating　them。　It　is　his
  best　policy　to　comply　with　the　common　bent　of　mankind；　and　give
  it　all　the　improvements　of　which　it　is　susceptible。　Now；
  according　to　the　most　natural　course　of　things；　industry　and　arts
  and　trade　encrease　the　power　of　the　sovereign　as　well　as　the
  happiness　of　the　subjects；　and　that　policy　is　violent；　which
  aggrandizes　the　public　by　the　poverty　of　individuals。　This　will
  easily　appear　from　a　few　considerations；　which　will　present　to　us
  the　consequences　of　sloth　and　barbarity。
  Where　manufactures　and　mechanic　arts　are　not　cultivated；　the
  bulk　of　the　people　must　apply　themselves　to　agriculture；　and　if
  their　skill　and　industry　encrease；　there　must　arise　a　great
  superfluity　from　their　labour　beyond　what　suffices　to　maintain
  them。　They　have　no　temptation；　therefore；　to　encrease　their　skill
  and　industry；　since　they　cannot　exchange　that　superfluity　for　any
  commodities；　which　may　serve　either　to　their　pleasure　or　vanity。
  A　habit　of　indolence　naturally　prevails。　The　greater　part　of　the
  land　lies　uncultivated。　What　is　cultivated；　yields　not　its　utmost
  for　want　of　skill　and　assiduity　in　the　farmers。　If　at　any　time
  the　public　exigencies　require；　that　great　numbers　should　be
  employed　in　the　public　service；　the　labour　of　the　people
  furnishes　now　no　superfluities；　by　which　these　numbers　can　be
  maintained。　The　labourers　cannot　encrease　their　skill　and
  industry　on　a　sudden。　Lands　uncultivated　cannot　be　brought　into
  tillage　for　some　years。　The　armies；　mean　while；　must　either　make
  sudden　and　violent　conquests；　or　disband　for　want　of　subsistence。
  A　regular　attack　or　defence；　therefore；　is　not　to　be　expected
  from　such　a　people；　and　their　soldiers　must　be　as　ignorant　and
  unskilful　as　their　farmers　and　manufacturers。
  Every　thing　in　the　world　is　purchased　by　labour；　and　our
  passions　are　the　only　causes　of　labour。　When　a　nation　abounds　in
  manufactures　and　mechanic　arts；　the　proprietors　of　land；　as　well
  as　the　farmers；　study　agriculture　as　a　science；　and　redouble
  their　industry　and　attention。　The　superfluity；　which　arises　from
  their　labour；　is　not　lost；　but　is　exchanged　with　manufactures　for
  those　commodities；　which　men's　luxury　now　makes　them　covet。　By
  this　means；　land　furnishes　a　great　deal　more　of　the　necessaries
  of　life；　than　what　suffices　for　those　who　cultivate　it。　In　times
  of　peace　and　tranquillity；　this　superfluity　goes　to　the
  maintenance　of　manufacturers；　and　the　improvers　of　liberal　arts。
  But　it　is　easy　for　the　public　to　convert　many　of　these
  manufacturers　into　soldiers；　and　maintain　them　by　that
  superfluity；　which　arises　from　the　labour　of　the　farmers。
  Accordingly　we　find；　that　this　is　the　case　in　all　civilized
  governments。　When　the　sovereign　raises　an　army；　what　is　the
  consequence？　He　imposes　a　tax。　This　tax　obliges　all　the　people　to
  retrench　what　is　least　necessary　to　their　subsistence。　Those；　who
  labour　in　such　commodities；　must　either　enlist　in　the　troops；　or
  turn　themselves　to　agriculture；　and　thereby　oblige　some　labourers
  to　enlist　for　want　of　business。　And　to　consider　the　matter
  abstractedly；　manufactures　encrease　the　power　of　the　state　only
  as　they　store　up　so　much　labour；　and　that　of　a　kind　to　which　the
  public　may　lay　claim；　without　depriving　any　one　of　the
  necessaries　of　life。　The　more　labour；　therefore；　is　employed
  beyond　mere　necessaries；　the　more　powerful　is　any　state；　since
  the　persons　engaged　in　that　labour　may　easily　be　converted　to　the
  public　service。　In　a　state　without　manufactures；　there　may　be　the
  same　number　of　hands；　but　there　is　not　the　same　quantity　of
  labour；　nor　of　the　same　kind。　All　the　labour　is　there　bestowed
  upon　necessaries；　which　can　admit　of　little　or　no　abatement。
  Thus　the　greatness　of　the　sovereign　and　the　happiness　of　the
  state　are；　in　a　great　measure；　united　with　regard　to　trade　and
  manufactures。　It　is　a　violent　method；　and　in　most　cases
  impracticable；　to　oblige　the　labourer　to　toil；　in　order　to　raise
  from　the　land　more　than　what　subsists　himself　and　family。　Furnish
  him　with　manufactures　and　commodities；　and　he　will　do　it　of
  himself。　Afterwards　you　will　find　it　easy　to　seize　some　part　of
  his　superfluous　labour；　and　employ　it　in　the　public　service；
  without　giving　him　his　wonted　return。　Being　accustomed　to
  industry；　he　will　think　this　less　grievous；　than　if；　at　once；　you
  obliged　him　to　an　augmentation　of　labour　without　any　reward。　The
  case　is　the　same　with　regard　to　the　other　members　of　the　state。
  The　greater　is　the　stock　of　labour　of　all　kinds；　the　greater
  quantity　may　be　taken　from　the　heap；　without　making　any　sensible
  alteration　in　it。
  A　public　granary　of　corn；　a　storehouse　of　cloth；　a　magazine
  of　arms；　all　these　must　be　allowed　real　riches　and　strength　in
  any　state。　Trade　and　industry　are　really　nothing　but　a　stock　of
  labour；　which；　in　times　of　peace　and　tranquillity；　is　employed
  for　the　ease　and　satisfaction　of　individuals；　but　in　the
  exigencies　of　state；　may；　in　part；　be　turned　to　public　advantage。
  Could　we　convert　a　city　into　a　kind　of　fortified　camp；　and　infuse
  into　each　breast　so　martial　a　genius；　and　such　a　passion　for
  public　good；　as　to　make　every　one　willing　to　undergo　the　greatest
  hardships　for　the　sake　of　the　public；　these　affections　might　now；
  as　in　ancient　times；　prove　alone　a　sufficient　spur　to　industry；
  and　support　the　community。　It　would　then　be　advantageous；　as　in
  camps；　to　banish　all　arts　and　luxury；　and；　by　restrictions　on
  equipage　and　tables；　make　the　provisions　and　forage　last　longer
  than　if　the　army　were　loaded　with　a　number　of　superfluous
  retainers。　But　as　these　principles　are　too　disinterested　and　too
  difficult　to　support；　it　is　requisite　to　govern　men　by　other
  passions；　and　animate　them　with　a　spirit　of　avarice　and　industry；
  art　and　luxury。　The　camp　is；　in　this　case；　loaded　with　a
  superfluous　retinue；　but　the　provisions　flow　in　proportionably
  larger。　The　harmony　of　the　whole　is　still　supported；　and　the
  natural　bent　of　the　mind　being　more　complied　with；　individuals；
  as　well　as　the　public；　find　their　account　in　the　ob