then　from　the　Lecompton　Constitution；　to　show　the　existence　of　a
  conspiracy　to　bring　about　a　〃fatal　blow；〃　by　which　the　States
  were　to　be　deprived　of　the　right　of　excluding　slavery；　it　all
  went　to　pot　as　soon　as　Toombs　got　up　and　told　him　it　was　not
  true。　　It　reminds　me　of　the　story　that　John　Phoenix；　the
  California　railroad　surveyor；　tells。　　He　says　they　started　out
  from　the　Plaza　to　the　Mission　of　Dolores。　　They　had　two　ways　of
  determining　distances。　　One　was　by　a　chain　and　pins　taken　over
  the　ground。　　The　other　was　by　a　〃go…it…ometer；〃an　invention　of
  his　own；a　three…legged　instrument；　with　which　he　computed　a
  series　of　triangles　between　the　points。　　At　night　he　turned　to
  the　chain…man　to　ascertain　what　distance　they　had　come；　and　found
  that　by　some　mistake　he　had　merely　dragged　the　chain　over　the
  ground；　without　keeping　any　record。　　By　the　〃go…it…ometer；〃　he
  found　he　had　made　ten　miles。　　Being　skeptical　about　this；　he
  asked　a　drayman　who　was　passing　how　far　it　was　to　the　Plaza。　　The
  drayman　replied　it　was　just　half　a　mile；　and　the　surveyor　put　it
  down　in　his　book；just　as　Judge　Douglas　says；　after　he　had　made
  his　calculations　and　computations；　he　took　Toombs's　statement。　　I
  have　no　doubt　that　after　Judge　Douglas　had　made　his　charge；　he
  was　as　easily　satisfied　about　its　truth　as　the　surveyor　was　of
  the　drayman's　statement　of　the　distance　to　the　Plaza。　　Yet　it　is
  a　fact　that　the　man　who　put　forth　all　that　matter　which　Douglas
  deemed　a　〃fatal　blow〃　at　State　sovereignty　was　elected　by　the
  Democrats　as　public　printer。
  Now；　gentlemen；　you　may　take　Judge　Douglas's　speech　of　March　22；
  1858；　beginning　about　the　middle　of　page　21；　and　reading　to　the
  bottom　of　page　24；　and　you　will　find　the　evidence　on　which　I　say
  that　he　did　not　make　his　charge　against　the　editor　of　the　Union
  alone。　　I　cannot　stop　to　read　it；　but　I　will　give　it　to　the
  reporters。　　Judge　Douglas　said：
  〃Mr。　President；　you　here　find　several　distinct　propositions
  advanced　boldly　by　the　Washington　Union　editorially；　and
  apparently　authoritatively；　and　every　man　who　questions　any　of
  them　is　denounced　as　an　Abolitionist；　a　Free…soiler；　a　fanatic。
  The　propositions　are；　first；　that　the　primary　object　of　all
  government　at　its　original　institution　is　the　protection　of
  persons　and　property；　second；　that　the　Constitution　of　the　United
  States　declares　that　the　citizens　of　each　State　shall　be　entitled
  to　all　the　privileges　and　immunities　of　citizens　in　the　several
  States；　and　that；　therefore；　thirdly；　all　State　laws；　whether
  organic　or　otherwise；　which　prohibit　the　citizens　of　one　State
  from　settling　in　another　with　their　slave　property；　and
  especially　declaring　it　forfeited；　are　direct　violations　of　the
  original　intention　of　the　Government　and　Constitution　of　the
  United　States；　and；　fourth；　that　the　emancipation　of　the　slaves
  of　the　Northern　States　was　a　gross　outrage　on　the　rights　of
  property；　in　as　much　as　it　was　involuntarily　done　on　the　part　of
  the　owner。
  〃Remember　that　this　article　was　published　in　the　Union　on　the
  17th　of　November；　and　on　the　18th　appeared　the　first　article
  giving　the　adhesion　of　the　Union　to　the　Lecompton　Constitution。
  It　was　in　these　words：
  〃'KANSAS　AND　HER　CONSTITUTION。The　vexed　question　is　settled。
  The　problem　is　solved。　　The　dead　point　of　danger　is　passed。　　All
  serious　trouble　to　Kansas　affairs　is　over　and　gone。。。。〃
  〃And　a　column；　nearly；　of　the　same　sort。　　Then；　when　you　come　to
  look　into　the　Lecompton　Constitution；　you　find　the　same　doctrine
  incorporated　in　it　which　was　put　forth　editorially　in　the　Union。
  What　is　it？
  〃'ARTICLE　7；　Section　i。　　The　right　of　property　is　before　and
  higher　than　any　constitutional　sanction；　and　the　right　of　the
  owner　of　a　slave　to　such　slave　and　its　increase　is　the　same　and
  as　invariable　as　the　right　of　the　owner　of　any　property
  whatever。'
  〃Then　in　the　schedule　is　a　provision　that　the　Constitution　may　be
  amended　after　1864　by　a　two…thirds　vote。
  〃'But　no　alteration　shall　be　made　to　affect　the　right　of　property
  in　the　ownership　of　slaves。'
  〃It　will　be　seen　by　these　clauses　in　the　Lecompton　Constitution
  that　they　are　identical　in　spirit　with　this　authoritative　article
  in　the　Washington　Union　of　the　day　previous　to　its　indorsement　of
  this　Constitution。
  〃When　I　saw　that　article　in　the　Union　of　the　17th　of　November；
  followed　by　the　glorification　of　the　Lecompton　Constitution　on
  the　18th　of　November；　and　this　clause　in　the　Constitution
  asserting　the　doctrine　that　a　State　has　no　right　to　prohibit
  slavery　within　its　limits；　I　saw　that　there　was　a　fatal　blow
  being　struck　at　the　sovereignty　of　the　States　of　this　Union。〃
  Here　he　says；　〃Mr。　President；　you　here　find　several　distinct
  propositions　advanced　boldly；　and　apparently　authoritatively。〃
  By　whose　authority；　Judge　Douglas？　　Again；　he　says　in　another
  place；　〃It　will　be　seen　by　these　clauses　in　the　Lecompton
  Constitution　that　they　are　identical　in　spirit　with　this
  authoritative　article。〃　　By　whose　authority；who　do　you　mean　to
  say　authorized　the　publication　of　these　articles？　　He　knows　that
  the　Washington　Union　is　considered　the　organ　of　the
  Administration。　　I　demand　of　Judge　Douglas　by　whose　authority　he
  meant　to　say　those　articles　were　published；　if　not　by　the
  authority　of　the　President　of　the　United　States　and　his　Cabinet？
  I　defy　him　to　show　whom　he　referred　to；　if　not　to　these　high
  functionaries　in　the　Federal　Government。　　More　than　this；　he　says
  the　articles　in　that　paper　and　the　provisions　of　the　Lecompton
  Constitution　are　〃identical；〃　and；　being　identical；　he　argues
  that　the　authors　are　co…operating　and　conspiring　together。　　He
  does　not　use　the　word　〃conspiring；〃　but　what　other　construction
  can　you　put　upon　it？　　He　winds　up：
  〃When　I　saw　that　article　in　the　Union　of　the　17th　of　November；
  followed　by　the　glorification　of　the　Lecompton　Constitution　on
  the　18th　of　November；　and　this　clause　in　the　Constitution
  asserting　the　doctrine　that　a　State　has　no　right　to　prohibit
  slavery　within　its　limits；　I　saw　that　there　was　a　fatal　blow
  being　struck　at　the　sovereignty　of　the　States　of　this　Union。〃
  I　ask　him　if　all　this　fuss　was　made　over　the　editor　of　this
  newspaper。　　It　would　be　a　terribly　〃fatal　blow〃　indeed　which　a
  single　man　could　strike；　when　no　President；　no　Cabinet　officer；
  no　member　of　Congress；　was　giving　strength　and　efficiency　to　the
  movement。　　Out　of　respect　to　Judge　Douglas's　good　sense　I　must
  believe　he　did　n't　manufacture　his　idea　of　the　〃fatal〃　character
  of　that　blow　out　of　such　a　miserable　scapegrace　as　he　represents
  that　editor　to　be。　　But　the　Judge's　eye　is　farther　south　now。
  Then；　it　was　very　peculiarly　and　decidedly　north。　　His　hope
  rested　on　the　idea　of　visiting　the　great　〃Black　Republican〃
  party；　and　making　it　the　tail　of　his　new　kite。　　He　knows　he　was
  then　expecting　from　day　to　day　to　turn　Republican；　and　place
  himself　at　the　head　of　our　organization。　　He　has　found　that　these
  despised　〃Black　Republicans〃　estimate　him　by　a　standard　which　he
  has　taught　them　none　too　well。　　Hence　he　is　crawling　back　into
  his　old　camp；　and　you　will　find　him　eventually　installed　in　full
  fellowship　among　those　whom　he　was　then　battling；　and　with　whom
  he　now　pretends　to　be　at　such　fearful　variance。
  THIRD　JOINT　DEBATE；　AT　JONESBORO；
  SEPTEMBER　15；　1858
  Mr。　LINCOLN'S　REPLY。
  LADIES　AND　GENTLEMEN：There　is　very　much　in　the　principles　that
  Judge　Douglas　has　here　enunciated　that　I　most　cordially　approve；
  and　over　which　I　shall　have　no　controversy　with　him。　　In　so　far
  as　he　has　insisted　that　all　the　States　have　the　right　to　do
  exactly　as　they　please　about　all　their　domestic　relations；
  including　that　of　slavery；　I　agree　entirely　with　him。　　He　places
  me　wrong　in　spite　of　all　I　can　tell　him；　though　I　repeat　it　again
  and　again；　insisting　that　I　have　no　difference　with　him　upon　this
  subject。　　I　have　made　a　great　many　speeches；　some　of　which　have
  been　printed；　and　it　will　be　utterly　impossible　for　him　to　find
  anything　that　I　have　ever　put　in　print　contrary　to　what　I　now　say
  upon　this　subject。　　I　hold　myself　under　constitutional
  obligations　to　allow　the　people　in　all　the　States；　without
  interference；　direct　or　indirect；　to　do　exactly　as　they　please；
  and　I　deny　that　I　have　any　inclination　to　interfere　with　them；
  even　if　there　were　no　such　constitutional　obligation。　　I　can　only
  say　again　that　I　am　placed　improperlyaltogether　improperly；　in
  spite　of　all　I　can　saywhen　it　is　insisted　that　I　entertain　any
  other　view　or　purposes　in　regard　to　that　matter。
  While　I　am　upon　this　subject；　I　will　make　some　answers　briefly　to
  certain　propositions　that　Judge　Douglas　has　put。　　He　says；　〃Why
  can't　this　Union　endure　permanently　half　slave　and　half　free？〃　I
  have　said　that　I　supposed　it　could　not；　and　I　will　try；　before
  this　new　audience；　to　give　briefly　some　of　the　reasons　for
  entertaining　that　opinion。　　Another　form　o