第 18 节
作者:
九十八度 更新:2021-10-16 18:40 字数:9322
day before; and makes constantly all over the country; I ask your
attention to them。 In the first place; what is necessary to make
the institution national? Not war。 There is no danger that the
people of Kentucky will shoulder their muskets; and; with a young
nigger stuck on every bayonet; march into Illinois and force them
upon us。 There is no danger of our going over there and making
war upon them。 Then what is necessary for the nationalization of
slavery? It is simply the next Dred Scott decision。 It is
merely for the Supreme Court to decide that no State under the
Constitution can exclude it; just as they have already decided
that under the Constitution neither Congress nor the Territorial
Legislature can do it。 When that is decided and acquiesced in;
the whole thing is done。 This being true; and this being the
way; as I think; that slavery is to be made national; let us
consider what Judge Douglas is doing every day to that end。 In
the first place; let us see what influence he is exerting on
public sentiment。 In this and like communities; public sentiment
is everything。 With public sentiment; nothing can fail; without
it; nothing can succeed。 Consequently; he who moulds public
sentiment goes deeper than he who enacts statutes or pronounces
decisions。 He makes statutes and decisions possible or
impossible to be executed。 This must be borne in mind; as also
the additional fact that Judge Douglas is a man of vast
influence; so great that it is enough for many men to profess to
believe anything when they once find out Judge Douglas professes
to believe it。 Consider also the attitude he occupies at the
head of a large party;a party which he claims has a majority of
all the voters in the country。 This man sticks to a decision
which forbids the people of a Territory from excluding slavery;
and he does so; not because he says it is right in itself;he
does not give any opinion on that;but because it has been
decided by the court; and being decided by the court; he is; and
you are; bound to take it in your political action as law; not
that he judges at all of its merits; but because a decision of
the court is to him a 〃Thus saith the Lord。〃 He places it on
that ground alone; and you will bear in mind that thus committing
himself unreservedly to this decision commits him to the next one
just as firmly as to this。 He did not commit himself on account
of the merit or demerit of the decision; but it is a 〃Thus saith
the Lord。〃 The next decision; as much as this; will be a 〃Thus
saith the Lord。〃 There is nothing that can divert or turn him
away from this decision。 It is nothing that I point out to him
that his great prototype; General Jackson; did not believe in the
binding force of decisions。 It is nothing to him that Jefferson
did not so believe。 I have said that I have often heard him
approve of Jackson's course in disregarding the decision of the
Supreme Court pronouncing a National Bank constitutional。 He
says I did not hear him say so。 He denies the accuracy of my
recollection。 I say he ought to know better than I; but I will
make no question about this thing; though it still seems to me
that I heard him say it twenty times。 I will tell him; though;
that he now claims to stand on the Cincinnati platform; which
affirms that Congress cannot charter a National Bank; in the
teeth of that old standing decision that Congress can charter a
bank。 And I remind him of another piece of history on the
question of respect for judicial decisions; and it is a piece of
Illinois history belonging to a time when the large party to
which Judge Douglas belonged were displeased with a decision of
the Supreme Court of Illinois; because they had decided that a
Governor could not remove a Secretary of State。 You will find
the whole story in Ford's History of Illinois; and I know that
Judge Douglas will not deny that he was then in favor of over…
slaughing that decision by the mode of adding five new judges; so
as to vote down the four old ones。 Not only so; but it ended in
the Judge's sitting down on that very bench as one of the five
new judges to break down the four old ones It was in this way
precisely that he got his title of judge。 Now; when the Judge
tells me that men appointed conditionally to sit as members of a
court will have to be catechized beforehand upon some subject; I
say; 〃You know; Judge; you have tried it。〃 When he says a court
of this kind will lose the confidence of all men; will be
prostituted and disgraced by such a proceeding; I say; 〃You know
best; Judge; you have been through the mill。〃 But I cannot shake
Judge Douglas's teeth loose from the Dred Scott decision。 Like
some obstinate animal (I mean no disrespect) that will hang on
when he has once got his teeth fixed; you may cut off a leg; or
you may tear away an arm; still he will not relax his hold。 And
so I may point out to the Judge; and say that he is bespattered
all over; from the beginning of his political life to the present
time; with attacks upon judicial decisions; I may cut off limb
after limb of his public record; and strive to wrench him from a
single dictum of the court;yet I cannot divert him from it。 He
hangs; to the last; to the Dred Scott decision。 These things
show there is a purpose strong as death and eternity for which he
adheres to this decision; and for which he will adhere to all
other decisions of the same court。
'A HIBERNIAN: 〃Give us something besides Dred Scott。〃'
Yes; no doubt you want to hear something that don't hurt。 Now;
having spoken of the Dred Scott decision; one more word; and I am
done。 Henry Clay; my beau…ideal of a statesman; the man for whom
I fought all my humble life; Henry Clay once said of a class of
men who would repress all tendencies to liberty and ultimate
emancipation that they must; if they would do this; go back to
the era of our Independence; and muzzle the cannon which thunders
its annual joyous return; they must blow out the moral lights
around us; they must penetrate the human soul; and eradicate
there the love of liberty; and then; and not till then; could
they perpetuate slavery in this country! To my thinking; Judge
Douglas is; by his example and vast influence; doing that very
thing in this community; when he says that the negro has nothing
in the Declaration of Independence。 Henry Clay plainly
understood the contrary。 Judge Douglas is going back to the era
of our Revolution; and; to the extent of his ability; muzzling
the cannon which thunders its annual joyous return。 When he
invites any people; willing to have slavery; to establish it; he
is blowing out the moral lights around us。 When he says he
〃cares not whether slavery is voted down or up;〃that it is a
sacred right of self…government;he is; in my judgment;
penetrating the human soul and eradicating the light of reason
and the love of liberty in this American people。 And now I will
only say that when; by all these means and appliances; Judge
Douglas shall succeed in bringing public sentiment to an exact
accordance with his own views; when these vast assemblages shall
echo back all these sentiments; when they shall come to repeat
his views and to avow his principles; and to say all that he says
on these mighty questions;then it needs only the formality of
the second Dred Scott decision; which he indorses in advance; to
make slavery alike lawful in all the States; old as well as new;
North as well as South。
My friends; that ends the chapter。 The Judge can take his
half…hour。
SECOND JOINT DEBATE; AT FREEPORT;
AUGUST 27; 1858
LADIES AND GENTLEMEN:On Saturday last; Judge Douglas and myself
first met in public discussion。 He spoke one hour; I an hour and
a half; and he replied for half an hour。 The order is now
reversed。 I am to speak an hour; he an hour and a half; and then
I am to reply for half an hour。 I propose to devote myself
during the first hour to the scope of what was brought within the
range of his half…hour speech at Ottawa。 Of course there was
brought within the scope in that half…hour's speech something of
his own opening speech。 In the course of that opening argument
Judge Douglas proposed to me seven distinct interrogatories。 In
my speech of an hour and a half; I attended to some other parts
of his speech; and incidentally; as I thought; intimated to him
that I would answer the rest of his interrogatories on condition
only that he should agree to answer as many for me。 He made no
intimation at the time of the proposition; nor did he in his
reply allude at all to that suggestion of mine。 I do him no
injustice in saying that he occupied at least half of his reply
in dealing with me as though I had refused to answer his
interrogatories。 I now propose that I will answer any of the
interrogatories; upon condition that he will answer questions
from me not