第 1 节
作者:九十八度      更新:2021-10-16 18:40      字数:9322
  The Writings of Abraham Lincoln
  by Abraham Lincoln
  VOLUME THREE
  THE LINCOLN…DOUGLAS DEBATES I
  POLITICAL SPEECHES & DEBATES of LINCOLN WITH DOUGLAS
  In the Senatorial Campaign of 1858 in Illinois
  SPEECH AT SPRINGFIELD; JUNE 17; 1858
  'The following speech was delivered at Springfield; Ill。; at the
  close of the Republican State Convention held at that time and
  place; and by which Convention Mr。 LINCOLN had been named as
  their candidate for United States Senator。  Mr。 DOUGLAS was not
  present。'
  Mr。 PRESIDENT AND GENTLEMEN OF THE CONVENTION:If we could first
  know where we are; and whither we are tending; we could better
  judge what to do; and how to do it。  We are now far into the
  fifth year since a policy was initiated with the avowed object
  and confident promise of putting an end to slavery agitation。
  Under the operation of that policy; that agitation has not only
  not ceased; but has constantly augmented。  In my opinion; it will
  not cease until a crisis shall have been reached and passed。  〃A
  house divided against itself cannot stand。〃 I believe this
  government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free。
  I do not expect the Union to be dissolved; I do not expect the
  house to fall; but I do expect it will cease to be divided。  It
  will become all one thing; or all the other。  Either the
  opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it; and
  place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it
  is in the course of ultimate extinction; or its advocates will
  push it forward till it shall become alike lawful in all the
  States; old as well as new; North as well as South。
  Have we no tendency to the latter condition?
  Let any one who doubts; carefully contemplate that now almost
  complete legal combination…piece of machinery; so to speak
  compounded of the Nebraska doctrine and the Dred Scott decision。
  Let him consider; not only what work the machinery is adapted to
  do; and how well adapted; but also let him study the history of
  its construction; and trace; if he can; or rather fail; if he
  can; to trace the evidences of design; and concert of action;
  among its chief architects; from the beginning。
  The new year of 1854 found slavery excluded from more than half
  the States by State Constitutions; and from most of the National
  territory by Congressional prohibition。  Four days later;
  commenced the struggle which ended in repealing that
  Congressional prohibition。  This opened all the National
  territory to slavery; and was the first point gained。
  But; so far; Congress only had acted; and an indorsement by the
  people; real or apparent; was indispensable to save the point
  already gained; and give chance for more。
  This necessity had not been overlooked; but had been provided
  for; as well as might be; in the notable argument of 〃squatter
  sovereignty;〃 otherwise called 〃sacred right of self…government;〃
  which latter phrase; though expressive of the only rightful basis
  of any government; was so perverted in this attempted use of it
  as to amount to just this: That if any one man choose to enslave
  another; no third man shall be allowed to object。  That argument
  was incorporated into the Nebraska Bill itself; in the language
  which follows:
  〃It being the true intent and meaning of this Act not to
  legislate slavery into any Territory or State; nor to exclude it
  therefrom; but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form
  and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way;
  subject only to the Constitution of the United States。〃
  Then opened the roar of loose declamation in favor of 〃squatter
  sovereignty;〃 and 〃sacred right of self…government。〃  〃But;〃 said
  opposition members; 〃let us amend the bill so as to expressly
  declare that the people of the Territory may exclude slavery。〃
  〃Not we;〃 said the friends of the measure; and down they voted
  the amendment。
  While the Nebraska Bill was passing through Congress; a law case;
  involving the question of a negro's freedom; by reason of his
  owner having voluntarily taken him first into a free State; and
  then into a territory covered by the Congressional Prohibition;
  and held him as a slave for a long time in each; was passing
  through the United States Circuit Court for the District of
  Missouri; and both Nebraska Bill and lawsuit were brought to a
  decision in the same month of May; 1854。  The negro's name was
  〃Dred Scott;〃 which name now designates the decision finally made
  in the case。  Before the then next Presidential election; the law
  case came to; and was argued in; the Supreme Court of the United
  States; but the decision of it was deferred until after the
  election。  Still; before the election; Senator Trumbull; on the
  floor of the Senate; requested the leading advocate of the
  Nebraska Bill to state his opinion whether the people of a
  territory can constitutionally exclude slavery from their limits;
  and the latter answers: 〃That is a question for the Supreme
  Court。〃
  The election came。  Mr。 Buchanan was elected; and the
  indorsement; such as it was; secured。  That was the second point
  gained。  The indorsement; however; fell short of a clear popular
  majority by nearly four hundred thousand votes;(approximately 10%
  of the vote) and so; perhaps; was not overwhelmingly reliable and
  satisfactory。  The outgoing President; in his last annual
  message; as impressively as possible echoed back upon the people
  the weight and authority of the indorsement。  The Supreme Court
  met again; did not announce their decision; but ordered a
  reargument。  The Presidential inauguration came; and still no
  decision of the court; but the incoming President; in his
  inaugural address; fervently exhorted the people to abide by the
  forth…coming decision; whatever it might be。  Then; in a few
  days; came the decision。
  The reputed author of the Nebraska Bill finds an early occasion
  to make a speech at this capital indorsing the Dred Scott
  decision; and vehemently denouncing all opposition to it。  The
  new President; too; seizes the early occasion of the Silliman
  letter to indorse and strongly construe that decision; and to
  express his astonishment that any different view had ever been
  entertained!
  At length a squabble springs up between the President and the
  author of the Nebraska Bill; on the mere question of fact;
  whether the Lecompton Constitution was or was not in any just
  sense made by the people of Kansas; and in that quarrel the
  latter declares that all he wants is a fair vote for the people;
  and that he cares not whether slavery be voted down or voted up。
  I do not understand his declaration; that he cares not whether
  slavery be voted down or voted up; to be intended by him other
  than as an apt definition of the policy he would impress upon the
  public mind;the principle for which he declares he has suffered
  so much; and is ready to suffer to the end。  And well may he
  cling to that principle!  If he has any parental feeling; well
  may he cling to it。  That principle is the only shred left of his
  original Nebraska doctrine。  Under the Dred Scott decision
  〃squatter sovereignty〃 squatted out of existence; tumbled down
  like temporary scaffolding; like the mould at the foundry; served
  through one blast; and fell back into loose sand; helped to carry
  an election; and then was kicked to the winds。  His late joint
  struggle with the Republicans; against the Lecompton
  Constitution; involves nothing of the original Nebraska doctrine。
  That struggle was made on a pointthe right of a people to make
  their own constitutionupon which he and the Republicans have
  never differed。
  The several points of the Dred Scott decision; in connection with
  Senator Douglas's 〃care not〃 policy; constitute the piece of
  machinery; in its present state of advancement。  This was the
  third point gained。  The working points of that machinery are:
  Firstly; That no negro slave; imported as such from Africa; and
  no descendant of such slave; can ever be a citizen of any State;
  in the sense of that term as used in the Constitution of the
  United States。  This point is made in order to deprive the negro;
  in every possible event; of the benefit of that provision of the
  United States Constitution which declares that 〃The citizens of
  each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of
  citizens in the several States。〃
  Secondly; That; 〃subject to the Constitution of the United
  States;〃 neither Congress nor a Territorial Legislature can
  exclude slavery from any United States Territory。  This point is
  made in order that individual men may fill up the Territories
  with slaves; without danger of losing them as property; and thus
  to enhance the chances of permanency to the institution through
  all the future。
  Thirdly; That whether the holding a negro in actual slavery in a
  free State makes him free