wever　directly　connected　it　may　be　with　the　welfare　of　society；　he　never　thinks　of　soliciting　the　co…operation　of　the　Government；　but　he　publishes　his　plan；　offers　to　execute　it　himself；　courts　the　assistance　of　other　individuals；　and　struggles　manfully　against　all　obstacles。　　Undoubtedly　he　is　often　less　successful　than　the　State　might　have　been　in　his　position；　but　in　the　end　the　sum　of　these　private　undertakings　far　exceeds　all　that　the　Government　could　have　done。
  As　the　administrative　authority　is　within　the　reach　of　the　citizens；　whom　it　in　some　degree　represents；　it　excites　neither　their　jealousy　nor　their　hatred；　as　its　resources　are　limited；　every　one　feels　that　he　must　not　rely　solely　on　its　assistance。　　Thus；　when　the　administration　thinks　fit　to　interfere；　it　is　not　abandoned　to　itself　as　in　Europe；　the　duties　of　the　private　citizens　are　not　supposed　to　have　lapsed　because　the　State　assists　in　their　fulfilment；　but　every　one　is　ready；　on　the　contrary；　to　guide　and　to　support　it。　　This　action　of　individual　exertions；　joined　to　that　of　the　public　authorities；　frequently　performs　what　the　most　energetic　central　administration　would　be　unable　to　execute。　　It　would　be　easy　to　adduce　several　facts　in　proof　of　what　I　advance；　but　I　had　rather　give　only　one；　with　which　I　am　more　thoroughly　acquainted。　*u　In　America　the　means　which　the　authorities　have　at　their　disposal　for　the　discovery　of　crimes　and　the　arrest　of　criminals　are　few。　　The　State　police　does　not　exist；　and　passports　are　unknown。　　The　criminal　police　of　the　United　States　cannot　be　compared　to　that　of　France；　the　magistrates　and　public　prosecutors　are　not　numerous；　and　the　examinations　of　prisoners　are　rapid　and　oral。　　Nevertheless　in　no　country　does　crime　more　rarely　elude　punishment。　　The　reason　is；　that　every　one　conceives　himself　to　be　interested　in　furnishing　evidence　of　the　act　committed；　and　in　stopping　the　delinquent。　　During　my　stay　in　the　United　States　I　witnessed　the　spontaneous　formation　of　committees　for　the　pursuit　and　prosecution　of　a　man　who　had　committed　a　great　crime　in　a　certain　county。　In　Europe　a　criminal　is　an　unhappy　being　who　is　struggling　for　his　life　against　the　ministers　of　justice；　whilst　the　population　is　merely　a　spectator　of　the　conflict；　in　America　he　is　looked　upon　as　an　enemy　of　the　human　race；　and　the　whole　of　mankind　is　against　him。
  ＇Footnote　u：　See　Appendix；　I。＇
  I　believe　that　provincial　institutions　are　useful　to　all　nations；　but　nowhere　do　they　appear　to　me　to　be　more　indispensable　than　amongst　a　democratic　people。　　In　an　aristocracy　order　can　always　be　maintained　in　the　midst　of　liberty；　and　as　the　rulers　have　a　great　deal　to　lose　order　is　to　them　a　first…rate　consideration。　　In　like　manner　an　aristocracy　protects　the　people　from　the　excesses　of　despotism；　because　it　always　possesses　an　organized　power　ready　to　resist　a　despot。　　But　a　democracy　without　provincial　institutions　has　no　security　against　these　evils。　　How　can　a　populace；　unaccustomed　to　freedom　in　small　concerns；　learn　to　use　it　temperately　in　great　affairs？　　What　resistance　can　be　offered　to　tyranny　in　a　country　where　every　private　individual　is　impotent；　and　where　the　citizens　are　united　by　no　common　tie？　Those　who　dread　the　license　of　the　mob；　and　those　who　fear　the　rule　of　absolute　power；　ought　alike　to　desire　the　progressive　growth　of　provincial　liberties。
  On　the　other　hand；　I　am　convinced　that　democratic　nations　are　most　exposed　to　fall　beneath　the　yoke　of　a　central　administration；　for　several　reasons；　amongst　which　is　the　following。　　The　constant　tendency　of　these　nations　is　to　concentrate　all　the　strength　of　the　Government　in　the　hands　of　the　only　power　which　directly　represents　the　people；　because　beyond　the　people　nothing　is　to　be　perceived　but　a　mass　of　equal　individuals　confounded　together。　　But　when　the　same　power　is　already　in　possession　of　all　the　attributes　of　the　Government；　it　can　scarcely　refrain　from　penetrating　into　the　details　of　the　administration；　and　an　opportunity　of　doing　so　is　sure　to　present　itself　in　the　end；　as　was　the　case　in　France。　　In　the　French　Revolution　there　were　two　impulses　in　opposite　directions；　which　must　never　be　confounded　…　the　one　was　favorable　to　liberty；　the　other　to　despotism。　Under　the　ancient　monarchy　the　King　was　the　sole　author　of　the　laws；　and　below　the　power　of　the　sovereign　certain　vestiges　of　provincial　institutions；　half　destroyed；　were　still　distinguishable。　　These　provincial　institutions　were　incoherent；　ill　compacted；　and　frequently　absurd；　in　the　hands　of　the　aristocracy　they　had　sometimes　been　converted　into　instruments　of　oppression。　The　Revolution　declared　itself　the　enemy　of　royalty　and　of　provincial　institutions　at　the　same　time；　it　confounded　all　that　had　preceded　it　…despotic　power　and　the　checks　to　its　abuses　…　in　indiscriminate　hatred；　and　its　tendency　was　at　once　to　overthrow　and　to　centralize。　　This　double　character　of　the　French　Revolution　is　a　fact　which　has　been　adroitly　handled　by　the　friends　of　absolute　power。　　Can　they　be　accused　of　laboring　in　the　cause　of　despotism　when　they　are　defending　that　central　administration　which　was　one　of　the　great　innovations　of　the　Revolution？　*v　In　this　manner　popularity　may　be　conciliated　with　hostility　to　the　rights　of　the　people；　and　the　secret　slave　of　tyranny　may　be　the　professed　admirer　of　freedom。
  ＇Footnote　v：　See　Appendix　K。＇
  I　have　visited　the　two　nations　in　which　the　system　of　provincial　liberty　has　been　most　perfectly　established；　and　I　have　listened　to　the　opinions　of　different　parties　in　those　countries。　　In　America　I　met　with　men　who　secretly　aspired　to　destroy　the　democratic　institutions　of　the　Union；　in　England　I　found　others　who　attacked　the　aristocracy　openly；　but　I　know　of　no　one　who　does　not　regard　provincial　independence　as　a　great　benefit。　　In　both　countries　I　have　heard　a　thousand　different　causes　assigned　for　the　evils　of　the　State；　but　the　local　system　was　never　mentioned　amongst　them。　　I　have　heard　citizens　attribute　the　power　and　prosperity　of　their　country　to　a　multitude　of　reasons；　but　they　all　placed　the　advantages　of　local　institutions　in　the　foremost　rank。　Am　I　to　suppose　that　when　men　who　are　naturally　so　divided　on　religious　opinions　and　on　political　theories　agree　on　one　point　（and　that　one　of　which　they　have　daily　experience）；　they　are　all　in　error？　　The　only　nations　which　deny　the　utility　of　provincial　liberties　are　those　which　have　fewest　of　them；　in　other　words；　those　who　are　unacquainted　with　the　institution　are　the　only　persons　who　pass　a　censure　upon　it。
  Chapter　VI：　Judicial　Power　In　The　United　States
  Chapter　Summary
  The　Anglo…Americans　have　retained　the　characteristics　of　judicial　power　which　are　common　to　all　nations　…　They　have；　however；　made　it　a　powerful　political　organ　…　How　…　In　what　the　judicial　system　of　the　Anglo…Americans　differs　from　that　of　all　other　nations　…　Why　the　American　judges　have　the　right　of　declaring　the　laws　to　be　unconstitutional　…　How　they　use　this　right　…Precautions　taken　by　the　legislator　to　prevent　its　abuse。
  Judicial　Power　In　The　United　States　And　Its　Influence　On　Political　Society
  I　have　thought　it　essential　to　devote　a　separate　chapter　to　the　judicial　authorities　of　the　United　States；　lest　their　great　political　importance　should　be　lessened　in　the　reader's　eyes　by　a　merely　incidental　mention　of　them。　Confederations　have　existed　in　other　countries　beside　America；　and　republics　have　not　been　established　upon　the　shores　of　the　New　World　alone；　the　representative　system　of　government　has　been　adopted　in　several　States　of　Europe；　but　I　am　not　aware　that　any　nation　of　the　globe　has　hitherto　organized　a　judicial　power　on　the　principle　now　adopted　by　the　Americans。　The　judicial　organization　of　the　United　States　is　the　institution　which　a　stranger　has　the　greatest　difficulty　in　understanding。　　He　hears　the　authority　of　a　judge　invoked　in　the　political　occurrences　of　every　day；　and　he　naturally　concludes　that　in　the　United　States　the　judges　are　important　political　functionaries；　nevertheless；　when　he　examines　the　nature　of　the　tribunals；　they　offer　nothing　which　is　contrary　to　the　usual　habits　and　privileges　of　those　bodies；　and　the　magistrates　seem　to　him　to　interfere　in　public　affairs　of　chance；　but　by　a　chance　which　recurs　every　day。
  When　the　Parliament　of　Paris　remonstrated；　or　refused　to　enregister　an　edict；　or　when　it　summoned　a　functionary　accused　of　malversation　to　its　bar；　its　political　influence　as　a　judicial　body　was　clearly　visible；　but　nothing　of　the　kind　is　to　be　seen　in　the　United　States。　　The　Americans　have　retained　all　the　ordinary　characteristics　of　judicial　authority；　and　have　carefully　restricted　its　action　to　the　ordinary　circle　of　its　functions。　　　The　first　characteristic　of　judicial　power　in　all　nations　is　the　duty　of　arbitration。　　But　rights　must　be　contested　in　order　to　warrant　the　interference　of　a　tribunal；　and　an　action　must　be　brought　to　obtain　the　decision　of　a　judge。　　As　long；　therefore；　as　the　law　is　uncontested；　the　judicial　authority　is　not　called　upon　to　discuss　it；　and　it　may　exist　without　being　perceived。　　When　a　judge　in　a　given　case　attacks　a　law　relating　to　that　case；　he　extends　the　circle　of　his　customary　duties；　withou