require　them。　　The　people　threw　themselves　at　my　feet　when　I　took　the
  reins　of　government　You　ought　to　recollect　this；　who　made　a　trial　of
  opposition。　　Where　was　your　supportyour　strength？　　Nowhere。　　I　assumed
  less　authority　than　I　was　invited　to　assume。　　Now　all　is　changed。　　A
  feeble　government；　opposed　to　the　national　interests；　has　given　to　these
  interests　the　habit　of　standing　on　the　defensive　and　evading　authority。
  The　taste　for　constitutions；　for　debates；　for　harangues；　appears　to　have
  revived。　　Nevertheless　it　is　but　the　minority　that　wishes　all　this；　be
  assured。　　The　people；　or　if　you　like　the　phrase　better；　the　multitude；
  wish　only　for　me。　　You　would　say　so　if　you　had　only　seen　this　multitude
  pressing　eagerly　on　my　steps；　rushing　down　from　the　tops　of　the
  mountains；　calling　on　me；　seeking　me　out；　saluting　me。　　On　my　way　from
  Cannes　hither　I　have　not　conqueredI　have　administered。　　I　am　not　only
  （as　has　been　pretended）　the　Emperor　of　the　soldiers；　I　am　that　of　the
  peasants　of　the　plebeians　of　France。　　Accordingly；　in　spite　of　all　that
  has　happened；　you　see　the　people　come　back　to　me。　　There　is　sympathy
  between　us。　　It　is　not　as　with　the　privileged　classes。　　The　noblesse　have
  been　in　my　service；　they　thronged　in　crowds　into　my　antechambers。　　There
  is　no　place　that　they　have　not　accepted　or　solicited。　　I　have　had　the
  Montmorencys；　the　Noailles；　the　Rohans；　the　Beauveaus；　the　Montemarts；
  in　my　train。　　But　there　never　was　any　cordiality　between　us。　　The　steed
  made　his　curvetshe　was　well　broken　in；　but　I　felt　him　quiver　under　me。
  With　the　people　it　is　another　thing。　　The　popular　fibre　responds　to　mine。
  I　have　risen　from　the　ranks　of　the　people：　my　voice　seta　mechanically
  upon　them。　　Look　at　those　conscripts；　the　sons　of　peasants：　I　never
  flattered　them；　I　treated　them　roughly。　　They　did　not　crowd　round　me　the
  less；　they　did　not　on　that　account　cease　to　cry；　‘Vive　l'Empereur！'
  It　is　that　between　them　and　me　there　is　one　and　the　same　nature。　　They
  look　to　me　as　their　support；　their　safeguard　against　the　nobles。　　I　have
  but　to　make　a　sign；　or　even　to　look　another　way；　and　the　nobles　would　be
  massacred　in　every　province。　　So　well　have　they　managed　matters　in　the
  last　ten　months！　　but　I　do　not　desire　to　be　the　King　of　a　mob。　　If　there
  are　the　means　to　govern　by　a　constitution　well　and　good。　　I　wished　for
  the　empire　of　the　world；　and　to　ensure　it　complete　liberty　of　action　was
  necessary　to　me。　　To　govern　France　merely　it　is　possible　that　a
  constitution　may　be　better。　　I　wished　for　the　empire　of　the　world；　as　who
  would　not　have　done　in　my　place？　　The　world　invited　me　to　rule　over　it。
  Sovereigns　and　subjects　alike　emulously　bowed　the　neck　under　my　sceptre。
  I　have　seldom　met　with　opposition　in　France；　but　still　I　have　encountered
  more　of　it　from　some　obscure　and　unarmed　Frenchmen　than　from　all　these
  Kings　so　resolute；　just　now；　no　longer　to　have　a　man　of　the　people　for
  their　equal！　　See　then　what　appears　to　you　possible；　let　me　know　your
  ideas。　　Public　discussion；　free　elections；　responsible　ministers；　the
  liberty　of　the　press；　I　have　no　objection　to　all　that；　the　liberty　of　the
  press　especially；　to　stifle　it　is　absurd。　　I　am　convinced　on　this　point。
  I　am　the　man　of　the　people：　if　the　people　really　wish　for　liberty　let
  them　have　it。　　I　have　acknowledged　their　sovereignty。　　It　is　just　that　I
  should　lend　an　ear　to　their　will；　nay；　even　to　their　caprices　I　have
  never　been　disposed　to　oppress　them　for　my　pleasure。　　I　conceived　great
  designs；　but　fate　'has　been　against　me；　I　am　no　longer　a　conqueror；　nor
  can　I　be　one。　　I　know　what　is　possible　and　what　is　not。　I　have　no
  further　object　than　to　raise　up　France　and　bestow　on　her　a　government
  suitable　to　her。　　I　have　no　hatred　to　liberty；　I　have　set　it　aside　when
  it　obstructed　my　path；　but　I　understand　what　it　means；　I　was　brought　up
  in　its　school：　besides；　the　work　of　fifteen　years　is　overturned；　and　it
  is　not　possible　to　recommence　it。　　It　would　take　twenty　years；　and　the
  lives　of　2；000；000　of　men　to　be　sacrificed　to　it。　　As　for　the　rest；　I
  desire　peace；　but　I　can　only　obtain　it　by　means　of　victory。　　I　would　not
  inspire　you　with　false　expectations。　　I　permit　it　to　be　said　that
  negotiations　are　going　on；　there　are　none。　　I　foresee　a　hard　struggle；
  a　long　war。　　To　support　it　I　must　be　seconded　by　the　nation；　but　in
  return　I　believe　they　will　expect　liberty。　　They　shall　have　it：　the
  circumstances　are　new。　　All　I　desire　is　to　be　informed　of　the　truth。
  I　am　getting　old。　　A　man　is　no　longer　at　forty…five　what　he　was　at
  thirty。　　The　repose　enjoyed　by　a　constitutional　king　may　suit　me：　it　will
  still　more　certainly　be　the　best　thing；　for　my　son。〃
  From　this　remarkable　address。　　Benjamin　Constant　concluded　that　no　change
  had　taken　place　in　Bonaparte's　views　or　feelings　in　matters　of
  government；　but；　being　convinced　that　circumstances　had　changed；　he　had
  made　up　his　mind　to　conform　to　them。　　He　says；　and　we　cannot　doubt　it；
  that　he　listened　to　Napoleon　with　the　deepest　interest；　that　there　was　a
  breadth　and　grandeur　of　manner　as　be　spoke；　and　a　calm　serenity　seated　on
  a　brow　covered　with　immortal　laurels。〃
  Whilst　believing　the　utter　incompatibility　of　Napoleon　and　constitutional
  government　we　cannot　in　fairness　omit　mentioning　that　the　causes　which
  repelled　him　from　the　altar　and　sanctuary　of　freedom　were　strong：　the
  real　lovers　of　a　rational　and　feasible　libertythe　constitutional
  monarchy　men　were　fewthe　mad　ultra…Liberals；　the　Jacobins；　the　refuse
  of　one　revolution　and　the　provokers　of　another；　were　numerous；　active；
  loud；　and　in　pursuing　different　ends　these　two　parties；　the　respectable
  and　the　disreputable；　the　good　and　the　bad；　got　mixed　and　confused　with
  one　another。
  On　the　14th　of　May；　when　the　'federes'　were　marshalled　in　processional
  order　and　treated　with　what　was　called　a　solemn　festival；　as　they　moved
  along　the　boulevards　to　the　Court　of　the　Tuileries；　they　coupled　the　name
  of　Napoleon　；with　Jacobin　curses　and　revolutionary　songs。　　The　airs　and
  the　words　that　had　made　Paris　tremble　to　her　very　centre　during　the　Reign
  of　Terrorthe　〃Marseillaise；〃　the　〃Carmagnole；〃　the　〃Jour　du　depart；〃
  the　execrable　ditty；　the　burden　of　which　is；　〃And　with　the　entrails　of
  the　last　of　the　priests　let　us　strangle　the　last　of　the　kings；〃　were　all
  roared　out　in　fearful　chorus　by　a　drunken；　filthy；　and　furious　mob。　　Many
  a　day　had　elapsed　since　they　had　dared　to　sing　these　blasphemous　and
  antisocial　songs　in　public。　　Napoleon　himself　as　soon　as　he　had　power
  enough　suppressed　them；　and　he　was　as　proud　of　this　feat　and　his　triumph
  over　the　dregs　of　the　Jacobins　as　he　was　of　any　of　his　victories；　and　in
  this　he　was　right；　in　this　he　proved　himself　the　friend　of　humanity。　　As
  the　tumultuous　mass　approached　the　triumphal　arch　and　the　grand　entrance
  to　the　Palace　he　could　not　conceal　his　abhorrence。　　His　Guards　were　drawn
  up　under　arms；　and　numerous　pieces　of　artillery；　already　loaded　were
  turned　out　on　the　Place　du　Carrousel。　　He　hastily　dismissed　these
  dangerous　partisans　with　some　praise；　some　money；　and　some　drink。　　On
  coming　into　close　contact　with　such　a　mob　he　did　not　feel　his　fibre
  respond　to　that　of　the　populace！　　Like　Frankenstein；　he　loathed　and　was
  afraid　of　the　mighty　monster　he　had　put　together。
  But　it　was　not　merely　the　mob　that　checked　the　liberalism　or　constitution
  of　Napoleon；　a　delicate　and　doubtful　plant　in　itself；　that　required　the
  most　cautious　treatment　to　make　it　really　take　root　and　grow　up　in　such　a
  soil：　Some　of　his　councillors；　who　called　themselves　〃philosophical
  statesmen；〃　advised　him　to　lay　aside　the　style　of　Emperor；　and　assume
  that　of　High　President　or　Lord　General　of　the　Republic！　　Annoyed　with
  such　puerilities　while　the　enemy　was　every　day　drawing　nearer　the
  frontiers　he　withdrew　from　the　Tuileries　to　the　comparatively　small　and
  retired　palace　of　the　Elysee；　where　he　escaped　these　talking…dreamers；
  and　felt　himself　again　a　sovereign：　Shut　up　with　Benjamin　Constant　and　a
  few　other　reasonable　politicians；　he　drew　up　the　sketch　of　a　new
  constitution；　which　was　neither　much　better　nor　much　worse　than　the　royal
  charter　of　Louis　XVIII。　　We　give　an　epitome　of　its　main　features。
  The　Emperor　was　to　have　executive　power；　and　to　exercise　legislative
  power　in　concurrence　with　the　two　Chambers。　　The　Chamber　of　Peers　was　to
  be　hereditary；　and　nominated　by　the　Emperor；　and　its　number　was
  unlimited。　　The　Second　Chamber　was　to　be　elected　by　the　people；　and　to
  consist　of　629　members；　none　to　be　under　the　age　of　twenty…five。　　The
  President　was　to　be　appointed　by　the　members；　but　approved　of　by　the
  Emperor。　　Members　were　to　be　paid　at　the　rate　settled　by　the　Constituent
  Assembly；　which　was　to　be　renewed　every　five　years。　　The　Emperor　might
  prorogue；　adjourn；　or　dissolve　the　House　of　Representatives；　whose
  sittings　were　to　be　public。　　The　Electoral　Colleges　were　maintained。
  Land　tax　and　direct　taxes　were　to　be　voted　only　for　a　year；　indirect
  taxes　might　be　imposed　for　several　years。　　No　levy　of　men　for　the　army
  nor　any　exchange　of　territory　was　to　be　made　but　by　a　law。　　Taxes　were　to
  be　proposed　by　the　Chamber　of　Representatives。　　Ministers　to　be
  responsible。　　Judges　to　be　irrem