〃I　can　only　say　in　conclusion；　that　whatever　measures　are　to　be
  adopted　should　be　adopted　at　once。　Every　day's　delay　increases
  the　difficulty。　Much　time　will　be　required　to　organize　and
  discipline　the　men；　and　action　may　be　deferred　until　it　is　too
  late。〃
  Lee　wrote　these　words　on　January　11；　1865。　At　that　time　a　fresh
  wave　of　despondency　had　gone　over　the　South　because　of　Hood's
  rout　at　Nashville；　Congress　was　debating　intermittently　the
  possible　arming　of　the　slaves；　and　the　newspapers　were
  prophesying　that　the　Administration　would　presently　force　the
  issue。　It　is　to　be　observed　that　Lee　did　not　advise　Virginia　to
  wait　for　Confederate　action。　He　advocated　emancipation　by　the
  State。　After　all；　to　both　Lee　and　Smith；　Virginia　was　their
  〃country。〃
  During　the　next　sixty　days　Lee　rejected　two　great
  opportunitiesor；　if　you　will；　put　aside　two　great　temptations。
  If　tradition　is　to　be　trusted；　it　was　during　January　that　Lee
  refused　to　play　the　role　of　Cromwell　by　declining　to　intervene
  directly　in　general　Confederate　politics。　But　there　remained　open
  the　possibility　of　his　intervention　in　Virginia　politics；　and　the
  local　crisis　was　in　its　own　way　as　momentous　as　the　general
  crisis。　What　if　Virginia　had　accepted　the　views　of　Lee　and
  insisted　upon　the　immediate　arming　of　the　slaves？　Virginia；
  however；　did　not　do　so；　and　Lee；　having　made　public　his　position；
  refrained　from　further　participation。　Politically　speaking；　he
  maintained　a　splendid　isolation　at　the　head　of　the　armies。
  Through　January　and　February　the　Virginia　crisis　continued
  undetermined。　In　this　period　of　fateful　hesitation；　the
  〃mountains　of　prejudice〃　proved　too　great　to　be　undermined　even
  by　the　influence　of　Lee。　When　at　last　Virginia　enacted　a　law
  permitting　the　arming　of　her　slaves；　no　provision　was　made　for
  their　manumission。
  Long　before　the　passage　of　this　act　in　Virginia；　Congress　had
  become　the　center　of　the　controversy。　Davis　had　come　to　the　point
  where　no　tradition　however　cherished　would　stand；　in　his　mind；
  against　the　needs　of　the　moment。　To　reinforce　the　army　in　great
  strength　was　now　his　supreme　concern；　and　he　saw　but　one　way　to
  do　it。　As　a　last　resort　he　was　prepared　to　embrace　the　bold　plan
  which　so　many　people　still　regarded　with　horror　and　which　as　late
  as　the　previous　November　he　himself　had　opposed。　He　would　arm　the
  slaves。　On　February　10；　1865；　bills　providing　for　the　arming　of
  the　slaves　were　introduced　both　in　the　House　and　in　the　Senate。
  On　this　issue　all　the　forces　both　of　the　Government　and　the
  opposition　fought　their　concluding　duel　in　which　were　involved
  all　the　other　basal　issues　that　had　distracted　the　country　since
  1862。　Naturally　there　was　a　bewildering　criss…cross　of　political
  motives。　There　were　men　who；　like　Smith　and　Lee；　would　go　along
  with　the　Government　on　emancipation；　provided　it　was　to　be
  carried　out　by　the　free　will　of　the　States。　There　were　others　who
  preferred　subjugation　to　the　arming　of　the　slaves；　and　among
  these　there　were　clashings　of　motive。　Then；　too；　there　were　those
  who　were　willing　to　arm　the　slaves　but　were　resolved　not　to　give
  them　their　freedom。
  The　debate　brings　to　the　front　of　the　political　stage　the　figure
  of　R。　M。　T。　Hunter。　Hitherto　his　part　has　not　been　conspicuous
  either　as　Secretary　of　State　or　as　Senator　from　Virginia。　He　now
  becomes；　in　the　words　of　Davis；　〃a　chief　obstacle〃　to　the　passage
  of　the　Senate　bill　which　would　have　authorized　a　levy　of　negro
  troops　and　provided　for　their　manumission　by　the　War　Department
  with　the　consent　of　the　State　in　which　they　should　be　at　the　time
  of　the　proposed　manumission。　After　long　discussion；　this　bill　was
  indefinitely　postponed。　Meanwhile　a　very　different　bill　had
  dragged　through　the　House。　While　it　was　under　debate；　another
  appeal　was　made　to　Lee。　Barksdale；　who　came　as　near　as　any　one　to
  being　the　leader　of　the　Administration；　sought　Lee's　aid。　Again
  the　General　urged　the　enrollment　of　negro　soldiers　and　their
  eventual　manumission；　but　added　this　immensely　significant
  proviso：
  〃I　have　no　doubt　that　if　Congress　would　authorize　their　＇the
  negroes'＇　reception　into　service；　and　empower　the　President　to
  call　upon　individuals　or　States　for　such　as　they　are　willing　to
  contribute；　with　the　condition　of　emancipation　to　all　enrolled；　a
  sufficient　number　would　be　forthcoming　to　enable　us　to　try　the
  experiment　＇of　determining　whether　the　slaves　would　make　good
  soldiers＇。　If　it　proved　successful；　most　of　the　objections　to　the
  measure　would　disappear；　and　if　individuals　still　remained
  unwilling　to　send　their　negroes　to　the　army；　the　force　of　public
  opinion　in　the　States　would　soon　bring　about　such　legislation　as
  would　remove　all　obstacles。　I　think　the　matter　should　be　left；　as
  far　as　possible；　to　the　people　and　to　the　States；　which　alone　can
  legislate　as　the　necessities　of　this　particular　service　may
  require。〃
  The　fact　that　Congress　had　before　it　this　advice　from　Lee
  explains　why　all　factions　accepted　a　compromise　bill；　passed　on
  the　9th　of　March；　approved　by　the　President　on　the　13th　of　March；
  and　issued　to　the　country　in　a　general　order　on　the　23d　of　March。
  It　empowered　the　President　to　〃ask　for　and　accept　from　the　owners
  of　slaves〃　the　service　of　such　number　of　negroes　as　he　saw　fit；
  and　if　sufficient　number　were　not　offered　to　〃call　on　each　State
  。。。for　her　quota　of　300；000　troops。。。to　be　raised　from
  such　classes　of　the　population；　irrespective　of　color；　in　each
  State　as　the　proper　authorities　thereof　may　determine。〃　However；
  〃nothing　in　this　act　shall　be　construed　to　authorize　a　change　in
  the　relation　which　the　said　slaves　shall　bear　toward　their
  owners；　except　by　consent　of　the　owners　and　of　the　States　in
  which　they　may　reside　and　in　pursuance　of　the　laws　thereof。〃
  The　results　of　this　act　were　negligible。　Its　failure　to　offer　the
  slave…soldier　his　freedom　was　at　once　seized　upon　by　critics　as
  evidence　of　the　futility　of　the　course　of　the　Administration。　The
  sneer　went　round　that　the　negro　was　to　be　made　to　fight　for　his
  own　captivity。　Pollardwhose　words；　however；　must　be　taken　with
  a
  grain　of　salthas　left　this　account　of　recruiting　under　the　new
  act：　〃Two　companies　of　blacks；　organized　from　some　negro
  vagabonds　in　Richmond；　were　allowed　to　give　balls　at　the　Libby
  Prison　and　were　exhibited　in　fine　fresh　uniforms　on　Capitol
  Square　as　decoys　to　obtain　recruits。　But　the　mass　of　their
  colored　brethren　looked　on　the　parade　with　unenvious　eyes；　and
  little　boys　exhibited　the　early　prejudices　of　race　by　pelting　the
  fine　uniforms　with　mud。〃
  Nevertheless　both　Davis　and　Lee　busied　themselves　in　the　endeavor
  to　raise　black　troops。　Governor　Smith　cooperated　with　them。　And
  in　the　mind　of　the　President　there　was　no　abandonment　of　the
  program　of　emancipation；　which　was　now　his　cardinal　policy。　Soon
  after　the　passage　of　the　act；　he　wrote　to　Smith：　〃I　am　happy　to
  receive　your　assurance　of　success　＇in　raising　black　troops＇；　as
  well　as　your　promise　to　seek　legislation　to　secure　unmistakable
  freedom　to　the　slave　who　shall　enter　the　Army；　with　a　right　to
  return　to　his　old　home；　when　he　shall　have　been　honorably
  discharged　from　military　service。〃
  While　this　final　controversy　was　being　fought　out　in　Congress；
  the　enthusiasm　for　the　Administration　had　again　ebbed。　Its
  recovery　of　prestige　had　run　a　brief　course　and　was　gone；　and　now
  in　the　midst　of　the　discussion　over　the　negro　soldiers'　bills；
  the　opposition　once　more　attacked　the　Cabinet；　with　its　old
  enemy；　Benjamin；　as　the　target。　Resolutions　were　introduced　into
  the　Senate　declaring　that　〃the　retirement　of　the　Honorable　Judah
  P。　Benjamin　from　the　State　Department　will　be　subservient　of　the
  public　interests〃；　in　the　House　resolutions　were　offered
  describing　his　public　utterances　as　〃derogatory　to　his　position
  as　a　high　public　functionary　of　the　Confederate　Government；　a
  reflection　on　the　motives　of　Congress　as　a　deliberative　body；　and
  an　insult　to　public　opinion。〃
  So　Congress　wrangled　and　delayed　while　the　wave　of　fire　that　was
  Sherman's　advance　moved　northward　through　the　Carolinas。　Columbia
  had　gone　up　in　smoke　while　the　Senate　debated　day　after
  dayfifteen　in　allwhat　to　do　with　the　compromise　bill　sent　up
  to　it　from　the　House。　It　was　during　this　period　that　a　new
  complication　appears　to　have　been　added　to　a　situation　which　was
  already　so　hopelessly　entangled；　for　this　was　the　time　when
  Governor　Magrath　made　a　proposal　to　Governor　Vance　for　a　league
  within　the　Confederacy；　giving　as　his　chief　reason　that
  Virginia's　interests　were　parting　company　with　those　of　the　lower
  South。　The　same　doubt　of　the　upper　South　appears　at　various　times
  in　the　Mercury。　And　through　all　the　tactics　of　the　opposition
  runs　the　constant　effort　to　discredit　Davis。　The　Mercury　scoffed
  at　the　agitation　for　negro　soldiers　as　a　mad　attempt　on　the　part
  of　the　Administration　to　remedy　its　〃myriad　previous　blunders。〃
  In　these　terrible　days；　the　mind　of　Davis　hardened。　He　became
  possessed　by　a　lofty　and　intolerant　confidence；　an　absolute
  conviction　that；　in　spite　of　all　appearances；　he　was　on　the
  threshold　of　success。　We　may　safely　ascribe　to　him　in　these　days
  that　illusory　state　of　mind　which　has　characterized　s