ng　power　given　it　by　the　Constitution；　disliked　the　treaties；　because　it　feared　that　under　such　general　agreements　cases　would　be　submitted　to　The　Hague　Court　without　its　special　approval。*　Yet；　as　popular　sentiment　was　strongly　behind　the　movement；　the　Senate　ventured　only　to　amend　the　procedure　in　such　a　way　as　to　make　every　〃agreement〃　a　treaty　which　would　require　its　concurrence。　President　Roosevelt；　however；　was　so　much　incensed　at　this　important　change　that　he　refused　to　continue　the　negotiations。
  *　The　second　article　in　these　treaties　read：　〃In　each　individual　case　the　high　contracting　parties；　before　appealing　to　the　Permanent　Court　of　Arbitration；　shall　conclude　a　special　agreement　defining　clearly　the　matter　in　dispute。〃
  President　Taft　was　perhaps　more　interested　in　this　problem　than　in　any　other。　His　Secretary　of　State；　Elihu　Root；　reopened　negotiations　and；　in　1908　and　1909；　drew　up　a　large　number　of　treaties　in　a　form　which　met　the　wishes　of　the　Senate。　Before　the　Administration　closed；　the　United　States　had　agreed　to　submit　to　arbitration　all　questions；　except　those　of　certain　classes　especially　reserved；　that　might　arise　with　Great　Britain；　France；　Austro…Hungary；　China；　Costa　Rica；　Italy；　Denmark；　Japan；　Hayti；　Mexico；　the　Netherlands；　Norway；　Paraguay；　Spain；　Sweden；　Peru；　San　Salvador；　and　Switzerland。
  Such　treaties　seemed　to　a　few　fearsome　souls　to　be　violations　of　the　injunctions　of　Washington　and　Jefferson　to　avoid　entangling　alliances；　but　to　most　they　seemed；　rather；　to　be　disentangling。　It　was；　indeed；　becoming　increasingly　apparent　that　the　world　was　daily　growing　smaller　and　that；　as　its　parts　were　brought　together　by　rail　and　steamships；　by　telegraph　and　wireless；　more　and　more　objects　of　common　interest　must　become　subject　to　common　regulation。　General　Grant　can　hardly　be　regarded　as　a　visionary；　and　yet　in　1873　in　his　second　inaugural　address；　he　had　said：　〃Commerce；　education；　and　rapid　transit　of　thought　and　matter　by　telegraph　and　steam　have　changed　all　this。。。。　I　believe　that　our　Great　Maker　is　preparing　the　world　in　His　own　good　time；　to　become　one　nation；　speaking　one　language；　and　when　armies　and　navies　will　be　no　longer　required。〃
  Quietly；　without　general　interest；　or　even　particular　motive；　the　United　States　had　accepted　its　share　in　handling　many　such　world　problems。　As　early　as　1875　it　had　cooperated　in　founding　and　maintaining　at　Paris　an　International　Bureau　of　Weights　and　Measures。　In　1886　it　joined　in　an　international　agreement　for　the　protection　of　submarine　cables；　in　1890；　in　an　agreement　for　the　suppression　of　the　African　slave　trade；　in　1899；　in　an　agreement　for　the　regulation　of　the　importation　of　spirituous　liquors　into　Africa；　in　1902；　in　a　convention　of　American　powers　for　the　Arbitration　of　Pecuniary　Claims。　In　1903　it　united　with　various　American　powers　in　an　International　Sanitary　Convention；　in　1905　it　joined　with　most　countries　of　the　world　in　establishing　and　maintaining　an　International　Institute　of　Agriculture　at　Rome。　It　would　surprise　most　Americans　to　know　that　five　hundred　pages　of　their　collection　of　〃Treaties　and　Conventions〃　consist　of　such　international　undertakings；　which　amount　in　fact　to　a　body　of　international　legislation。　It　is　obvious　that　the　Government；　in　interpreting　the　injunction　to　avoid　entangling　alliances；　has　not　found　therein　prohibition　against　international　cooperation。
  In　1783　the　United　States　had　been　a　little　nation　with　not　sufficient　inhabitants　to　fill　up　its　million　square　miles　of　territory。　Even　in　1814　it　still　reached　only　to　the　Rockies　and　still　found　a　troublesome　neighbor　lying　between　it　and　the　Gulf　of　Mexico。　Now　with　the　dawn　of　the　twentieth　century　it　was　a　power　of　imperial　dimensions；　occupying　three　million　square　miles　between　the　Atlantic　and　the　Pacific；　controlling　the　Caribbean；　and　stretching　its　possessions　across　the　Pacific　and　up　into　the　Arctic。　Its　influence　was　a　potent　factor　in　the　development　of　Asia；　and　it　was　bound　by　the　bonds　of　treaties；　which　it　has　ever　regarded　sacred；　to　assist　in　the　regulation　of　many　matters　of　world　interest。
  Nor　had　the　only　change　during　the　century　been　that　visible　in　the　United　States。　The　world　which　seemed　so　vast　and　mysterious　in　1812　had　opened　up　most　of　its　dark　places　to　the　valor　of　adventurous　explorers；　of　whom　the　United　States　had　contributed　its　fair　share。　The　facilities　of　intercourse　had　conquered　space；　and　along　with　its　conquest　had　gone　a　penetration　of　the　countries　of　the　world　by　the　tourist　and　the　immigrant；　the　missionary　and　the　trader；　so　that　Terence's　statement　that　nothing　human　was　alien　to　him　had　become　perforce　true　of　the　world。
  Nor　had　the　development　of　governmental　organization　stood　still。　In　1812　the　United　States　was　practically　the　only　democratic　republic　in　the　world；　in　1912　the　belief　in　a　government　founded　on　the　consent　of　the　governed；　and　republican　in　form；　had　spread　over　all　the　Americas；　except　such　portions　as　were　still　colonies；　and　was　practically　true　of　even　most　of　them。　Republican　institutions　had　been　adopted　by　France　and　Portugal；　and　the　spirit　of　democracy　had　permeated　Great　Britain　and　Norway　and　was　gaining　yearly　victories　elsewhere。　In　1912　the　giant　bulk　of　China　adopted　the　form　of　government　commended　to　he；　by　the　experience　of　the　nation　which；　more　than　any　other；　had　preserved　her　integrity。　Autocracy　and　divine　right；　however；　were　by　no　means　dead。　On　the　contrary；　girt　and　prepared；　they　were　arming　themselves　for　a　final　stand。　But　no　longer；　as　in　1823；　was　America　pitted　alone　against　Europe。　It　was　the　world　including　America　which　was　now　divided　against　itself。
  It　was　chiefly　the　Spanish　War　which　caused　the　American　people　slowly　and　reluctantly　to　realize　this　new　state　of　thingsthat　the　ocean　was　no　longer　a　barrier　in　a　political　or　military　sense；　and　that　the　fate　of　each　nation　was　irrevocably　bound　up　with　the　fate　of　all。　As　the　years　went　by；　however；　Americans　came　to　see　that　the　isolation　proclaimed　by　President　Monroe　was　no　longer　real；　and　that　isolation　even　as　a　tradition　could　not；　either　for　good　or　for　ill；　long　endure。　All　thoughtful　men　saw　that　a　new　era　needed　a　new　policy；　the　wiser；　however；　were　not　willing　to　give　up　all　that　they　had　acquired　in　the　experience　of　the　past。　They　remembered　that　the　separation　of　the　continents　was　not　proclaimed　as　an　end　in　itself　but　as　a　means　of　securing　American　purposes。　Those　national　purposes　had　been：　first；　the　securing　of　the　right　of　self…government　on　the　part　of　the　United　States；　second；　the　securing　of　the　right　of　other　nations　to　govern　themselves。　Both　of　these　aims　rested　on　the　belief　that　one　nation　should　not　interfere　with　the　domestic　affairs　of　another。　These　fundamental　American　purposes　remained；　but　it　was　plain　that　the　situation　would　force　the　nation　to　find　some　different　method　of　realizing　them。　The　action　of　the　United　States　indicated　that　the　hopes　of　the　people　ran　to　the　reorganization　of　the　world　in　such　a　way　as　would　substitute　the　arbitrament　of　courts　for　that　of　war。　Year　by　year　the　nation　committed　itself　more　strongly　to　cooperation　foreshadowing　such　an　organization。　While　this　feeling　was　growing　among　the　people；　the　number　of　those　who　doubted　whether　such　a　system　could　ward　off　war　altogether　and　forever　also　increased。　Looking　forward　to　the　probability　of　war；　they　could　not　fail　to　fear　that　the　next　would　prove　a　world　war；　and　that　in　the　even　of　such　a　conflict；　the　noninterference　of　the　United　States　would　not　suffice　to　preserve　it　immune　in　any　real　independence。
  Bibliographical　Note
  Each　President's　〃Annual　Message〃　always　gives　a　brief　survey　of　the　international　relations　of　the　year　and　often　makes　suggestions　of　future　policy。　Of　these　the　most　famous　is　Monroe's　message　in　1823。　Since　1860　they　have　been　accompanied　by　a　volume　of　〃Foreign　Relations；　〃giving　such　correspondence　as　can　be　made　public　at　the　time。　The　full　correspondence　in　particular　cases　is　sometimes　called　for　by　the　Congress；　in　which　case　it　is　found　in　the　〃Executive　Documents〃　of　House　or　Senate。　A　fairly　adequate　selection　of　all　such　papers　before　1828　is　found　in　〃American　State　Papers；　Foreign　Affairs。〃　Three　volumes　contain　the　American　〃Treaties；　Conventions；　International　Acts；〃　etc。；　to　1918。　A。　B。　Hart's　〃Foundations　of　American　Foreign　Policy〃　（1901）　gives　a　good　bibliography　of　these　and　other　sources。
  More　intimate　material　is　found　in　the　lives　and　works　of　diplomats；　American　and　foreign。　Almost　all　leave　some　record；　but　there　are　unfortunately　fewer　of　value　since　1830　than　before　that　date。　The　〃Memoirs〃　of　John　Quincy　Adams　（1874…1877）；　and　his　〃Writings；〃　（1913…　）；　are　full　of　fire　and　information；　and　W。　C。　Ford；　in　his　〃John　Quincy　Adams　and　the　Monroe　Doctrine；〃　in　the　〃American　Historical　Review；〃　vol。　VII；　pp。　676…696；　and　vol。　VIII；　pp。　28…52；　enables　us　to　sit　at　the　council　table　while　that　fundamental　policy　was　being　evolved。　The　most　interesting　work　of　this　kind　for　the　later　period　is　〃The　Life　and　Letters　of　John　Hay；〃　by　W。　R。　Thayer；　2　vols。　（1915）。
  Treatments　of　American　diplomacy　as　a　whole　are　few