ained　that　Spain　was　responsible　for　the　destruction　of　American　property　by　insurgents。　This　Spain　denied；　for；　while　she　never　officially　recognized　the　insurgents　as　belligerents；　the　insurrection　had　passed　beyond　her　control。　This　was；　indeed；　the　position　which　the　Spanish　Treaty　Claims　Commission　subsequently　took　in　ruling　that　to　establish　a　claim　it　would　be　necessary　to　show　that　the　destruction　of　property　was　the　consequence　of　negligence　upon　the　part　of　Spanish　authorities　or　of　military　orders。　Of　other　serious　grievances　there　was　no　doubt。　American　citizens　were　imprisoned；　interned　in　reconcentrado　camps；　and　otherwise　maltreated。　The　nationality　of　American　sufferers　was　in　some　cases　disputed；　and　the　necessity　of　dealing　with　each　of　these　doubtful　cases　by　the　slow　and　roundabout　method　of　complaint　to　Madrid；　which　referred　matters　back　to　Havana；　which　reported　to　Madrid；　served　but　to　add　irritation　to　delay。　American　resentment；　too；　was　fired　by　the　sufferings　of　the　Cubans　themselves　as　much　as　by　the　losses　and　difficulties　of　American　citizens。
  One　change　of　extreme　importance　had　taken　place　since　the　Cuban　revolt　of　1868…78。　This　was　the　development　of　the　modern　American　newspaper。　It　was　no　longer　possible　for　the　people　at　large　to　remain　ignorant　of　what　was　taking　place　at　their　very　doors。　Correspondents　braved　the　yellow　fever　and　imprisonment　in　order　to　furnish　the　last　details　of　each　new　horror。　Foremost　in　this　work　were　William　Randolph　Hearst；　who　made　new　records　of　sensationalism　in　his　papers；　particularly　in　the　New　York　Journal；　and　Joseph　Pulitzer；　proprietor　of　the　New　York　World。　Hearst　is　reported　to　have　said　that　it　cost　him　three　millions　to　bring　on　the　Spanish　American　War。　The　net　result　of　all　this　newspaper　activity　was　that　it　became　impossible　for　the　American　people　to　remain　in　happy　ignorance　of　what　was　going　on　in　the　world。　Their　reaction　to　the　facts　was　their　own。
  President　Cleveland　modeled　his　policy　upon　that　of　Grant　and　Grant's　Secretary；　Hamilton　Fish。　He　did　not　recognize　the　independence　of　the　Cuban　republic；　for　that　would　have　meant　immediate　war　with　Spain；　nor　did　he　recognize　even　its　belligerency。　Public　men　in　the　United　States　were　still　convinced　that　Great　Britain　had　erred　in　recognizing　the　belligerency　of　the　Southern　Confederacy；　and　consistency　of　foreign　policy　demanded　that　the　Government　should　not　accord　recognition　to　a　Government　without　a　navy；　a　capital；　or　fixed　territory。　This　decision　made　it　particularly　difficult　for　the　President　to　perform　his　acknowledged　duty　to　Spain；　of　preventing　aid　being　sent　from　the　United　States　to　the　insurgents。　He　issued　the　proper　proclamations；　and　American　officials　were　reasonably　diligent；　it　is　true；　but　without　any　of　the　special　powers　which　would　have　resulted　from　a　recognized　state　of　war　they　were　unable　to　prevent　a　leakage　of　supplies。　As　a　result　General　Weyler　had　some　ground　for　saying；　though　with　characteristic　Spanish　extravagance；　that　it　was　American　aid　which　gave　life　to　the　revolt。
  President　Cleveland　energetically　pressed　all　cases　involving　American　rights；　he　offered　mediation；　he　remonstrated　against　the　cruelty　of　Weyler's　methods；　he　pointed　out　that　the　United　States　could　not　forever　allow　an　island　so　near　and　so　closely　related　to　be　in　flames　without　intervention。　Spain；　however；　assumed　a　rather　lofty　tone；　and　Cleveland　was　able　to　accomplish　nothing。　Senator　Lodge　and　other　Republicans　violently　attacked　his　policy　as　procrastinating；　and　the　nation　as　a　whole　looked　forward　with　interest　to　the　approaching　change　in　administration。
  William　McKinley；　who　became　President　on　March　4；　1897；　was　not　actively　interested　in　foreign　affairs。　This　he　illustrated　in　a　striking　way　by　appointing　as　Secretary　of　State　John　Sherman　of　Ohio；　a　man　of　undoubtedly　high　ability　but　one　whose　whole　reputation　rested　upon　his　financial　leadership；　and　who　now；　at　the　age　of　seventy…four；　was　known　to　be　incapacitated　for　vigorous　action。　To　the　very　moment　of　crisis；　McKinley　was　opposed　to　a　war　with　Spain；　he　was　opposed　to　the　form　of　the　declaration　of　war　and　he　was　opposed　to　the　terms　of　peace　which　ended　the　war。　Emphatically　not　a　leader；　he　was；　however；　unsurpassed　in　his　day　as　a　reader　of　public　opinion；　and　he　believed　his　function　to　be　that　of　interpreting　the　national　mind。　Nor　did　he　yield　his　opinion　in　a　grudging　manner。　He　grasped　broadly　the　consequences　of　each　new　position　which　the　public　assumed；　and　he　was　a　master　at　securing　harmonious　cooperation　for　a　desired　end。
  The　platform　of　the　Republican　party　had　declared：　〃The　Government　of　Spain　having　lost　control　of　Cuba；　and　being　unable　to　protect　the　property　or　lives　of　resident　American　citizens；　or　to　comply　with　its　treaty　obligations；　we　believe　that　the　Government　of　the　United　States　should　actively　use　its　influence　and　good　offices　to　restore　peace　and　give　independence　to　the　island。〃　With　this　mandate；　McKinley　sought　to　free　Cuba；　absolutely　or　practically；　while　at　the　same　time　maintaining　peace　with　Spain。　On　June　26；　1897；　Secretary　Sherman　sent　a　note　to　the　Spanish　Minister；　protesting　against　the　Spanish　methods　of　war　and　asserting　that　〃the　inclusion　of　a　thousand　or　more　of　our　own　citizens　among　the　victims　of　this　policy〃　gives　〃the　President　the　right　of　specific　remonstrance；　but　in　the　just　fulfillment　of　his　duty　he　cannot　limit　himself　to　these　formal　grounds　of　complaint。　He　is　bound　by　the　higher　obligation　of　his　representative　office　to　protest　against　the　uncivilized　and　inhuman　conduct　of　the　campaign　in　the　island　of　Cuba。　He　conceives　that　he　has　a　right　to　demand　that　a　war；　conducted　almost　within　sight　of　our　shores　and　grievously　affecting　American　citizens　and　their　interests　throughout　the　length　and　breadth　of　the　land；　shall　at　least　be　conducted　according　to　the　military　codes　of　civilization。〃
  Negotiations　between　the　United　States　and　Spain　have　always　been　peculiarly　irritating；　owing　to　temperamental　differences　between　the　two　peoples。　McKinley；　however；　had　in　mind　a　program　for　which　there　was　some　hope　of　success。　He　was　willing　to　agree　to　some　form　of　words　which　would　leave　Spain　in　titular　possession　of　the　island；　thereby　making　a　concession　to　Spanish　pride；　for　he　knew　that　Spain　was　always　more　loath　to　surrender　the　form　than　the　substance。　This　hope　of　the　President　was　strengthened；　towards　the　end　of　1897；　by　a　dramatic　incident　in　the　political　life　of　Spain。　On　the　8th　of　August；　the　Spanish　Prime　Minister；　the　Conservative　Antonio　Canovas　del　Castillo；　was　assassinated；　and　was　succeeded　on　the　4th　of　October　by　the　Liberal；　Praxedes　Mateo　Sagasta。
  The　new　Spanish　Government　listened　to　American　demands　and　made　large　promises　of　amelioration　of　conditions　in　Cuba。　General　Blanco　was　substituted　for　General　Weyler；　whose　cruelty　had　made　him　known　in　the　American　press　as　〃the　Butcher〃；　it　was　announced　that　the　reconcentrado　camps　would　be　broken　up；　and　the　Queen　Regent　decreed　the　legislative　autonomy　of　Cuba。　Arrangements　had　been　made　for　the　handling　of　minor　disputes　directly　with　the　Governor…General　of　Cuba　through　the　American　Consul　General　at　Havana；　General　Fitzhugh　Lee。　On　December　6；　1897；　McKinley；　in　his　annual　message　to　Congress；　counseled　patience。　Convinced　of　the　good　intentions　of　the　new　Spanish　Government；　he　sought　to　induce　American　public　sentiment　to　allow　it　time　to　act。　He　continued　nevertheless　to　urge　upon　Spain　the　fact　that　in　order　to　be　effective　action　must　be　prompt。
  Public　sentiment　against　Spain　grew　every　day　stronger　in　the　United　States　and　was　given　startling　impulse　in　February；　1898；　by　two　of　those　critical　incidents　which　are　almost　sure　to　occur　when　general　causes　are　potent　enough　to　produce　a　white　heat　of　popular　feeling。　The　Spanish　Minister　in　the　United　States；　Senor　Dupuy　de　Lome；　had　aroused　the　suspicion；　during　his　summer　residence　on　the　north　shore　of　Massachusetts　Bay；　that　he　was　collecting　information　which　would　be　useful　to　a　Spanish　fleet　operating　on　that　coast。　Whether　this　charge　was　true　or　not；　at　any　rate　he　wrote　a　letter　to　a　friend；　a　Madrid　editor　visiting　Havana；　in　which　he　characterized　McKinley　as　a　vacillating　and　timeserving　politician。　Alert　American　newspaper　men；　who　practically　constituted　a　secret　service　of　some　efficiency；　managed　to　obtain　the　letter。　On　February　9；　1898；　De　Lome　saw　a　facsimile　of　this　letter　printed　in　a　newspaper　and　at　once　cabled　his　resignation。　In　immediately　accepting　De　Lome's　resignation　Spain　anticipated　an　American　demand　for　his　recall　and　thus　saved　Spanish　pride；　though　undoubtedly　at　the　expense　of　additional　irritation　in　the　United　States；　where　it　was　thought　that　he　should　have　been　punished　instead　of　being　allowed　to　slip　away。
  Infinitely　more　serious　than　this　diplomatic　faux　pas　was　the　disaster　which　befell　the　United　States　battleship　Maine：　On　January　24；　1898；　the　Government　had　announced　its　intention　of　sending　a　warship　on　a　friendly　visit　to　Havana；　with　the　desire　of　impressing　the　local　Cuban　authorities　with　the　imminence　of　American　power。　Not　less　important　wa