he　Convention；　throughout　the　territorial　legislature；　had　the　implied　sanction　of　Congress；　was　without　foundation。　　The　Toombs　bill　expressly　authorizing　the　calling　of　a　Convention　had　recently　passed　the　Senate；　but　was　defeated　in　the　House；　clearly　indicating　that　Congress　disapproved　it。　　The　legislature　could　not　give　consent　for　Congress　which　it　had　itself　refused。　　The　Administration　of　Jackson　solemnly　decided　in　the　case　of　Arkansas　that　a　Territory　had　no　right　to　hold　a　Constitutional　Convention　until　Congress　passed　an　act　authorizing　it。　　The　Lecompton　Convention　differed　from　the　Topeka　Convention　only　in　this；　that　the　latter　was　called　in　opposition　to　the　will　of　the　legislature；　while　the　former　was　sanctioned　by　it。　　But　that　body　was　utterly　without　authority　in　the　matter　until　Congress　empowered　it　to　act。
  When　the　delegates　to　this　Convention　were　elected　everyone　supposed　that　their　work　would　be　submitted　to　a　vote。　　The　President　and　his　Cabinet　so　understood　it。　　Governor　Walker　so　understood　it　and　pledged　his　own　word　and　that　of　the　President　that　it　would　be　submitted。　　A　form　of　submission　had　been　devised　such　that　all　men　might　come　forward　freely　and　vote　for　the　Constitution　and　no　man　was　permitted　to　vote　against　it。　　This　resembled　the　French　election　when　the　First　Consul　sent　the　soldiers　to　the　polls　telling　them　to　vote　just　as　they　pleased；　but　adding；　〃if　you　vote　for　Napoleon　all　is　well；　if　you　vote　against　him　you　will　be　shot。〃　The　objection　to　submitting　the　Constitution　to　a　vote　was　that　it　would　be　voted　down。
  〃Sir；〃　he　said；　〃my　honor　is　pledged；　and　before　it　shall　be　tarnished　I　will　take　whatever　consequences　personal　to　myself　may　come；　but　never　ask　me　to　do　an　act　which　the　President　in　his　message　has　said　is　a　forfeiture　of　faith；　a　violation　of　honor。　　*　*　*　I　will　go　as　far　as　any　of　you　to　save　the　party。　　I　have　as　much　heart　in　the　great　cause　that　binds　us　together　as　any　man　living。　　I　will　sacrifice　anything　short　of　principle　and　honor　for　the　peace　of　the　party；　but　if　the　party　will　not　stand　by　its　principles；　its　faith；　its　pledges；　I　will　stand　there　and　abide　whatever　consequences　may　result　from　the　position。　　*　*　*　It　is　none　of　my　business　which　way　the　slavery　clause　is　decided。　　I　care　not　whether　it　is　voted　up　or　voted　down。〃
  He　urged　the　wisdom　of　passing　a　fair　enabling　act　authorizing　the　people　to　hold　a　Constitutional　Convention　and　providing　for　the　submission　of　its　work　to　the　people　and　the　orderly　admission　of　the　State。　　〃But　if　this　Constitution　is　to　be　forced　down　our　throats；〃　he　continued；　〃in　violation　of　the　fundamental　principles　of　free　government；　under　a　mode　of　submission　that　is　a　mockery　and　an　insult；　I　will　resist　it　to　the　last。　　I　have　no　fear　of　any　party　associations　being　severed；　*　*　*　but　if　it　must　be；　if　I　cannot　act　with　you　and　preserve　my　faith　and　honor；　I　will　stand　on　the　great　principle　of　popular　sovereignty　which　declares　the　right　of　all　people　to　be　left　perfectly　free　to　form　and　regulate　their　institutions　in　their　own　way。〃
  This　remarkable　speech　was　recognized　by　all　who　heard　it　as　marking　an　epoch；　not　merely　in　the　life　of　the　orator；　but　in　the　evolution　of　party　politics　at　a　time　when　parties　were　bending　in　death　grapple　and　them　most　portentous　civil　war　in　history　was　looming　in　the　distance。　　The　speech　was　a　clean；　powerful；　dispassionate　argument　delivered　with　an　air　of　dignity　and　fortitude　that　greatly　mollified　the　hearts　of　his　old　enemies。
  Bigler　of　Pennsylvania；　rising　to　defend　the　President；　reminded　the　Senate　that　only　a　short　year　ago　Douglas　had　voted　for　the　Toombs　bill；　which　provided　for　the　holding　of　a　Constitutional　Convention　without　submitting　its　work　to　the　people。　　Douglas　protested　that　he　did　not　so　understand　the　bill　and　challenged　Bigler　for　evidence　that　a　single　Senator　so　understood　it。　　A　remarkable　dialogue　followed。　　Bigler；　who　was　a　Democrat　and　a　humble　admirer　of　Douglas；　said：
  〃I　was　present　when　that　subject　was　discussed　by　Senators　before　the　bill　was　introduced；　and　the　question　whether　the　Constitution　when　formed　should　be　submitted　to　a　vote　of　the　people。　　It　was　held　by　those　most　intelligent　on　the　subject　that　*　*　*　it　would　be　better　that　there　should　be　no　（such）　provision　in　the　Toombs　bill；　and　it　was　my　understanding　*　*　*　that　the　Convention　would　make　a　Constitution　and　send　it　here　without　submitting　it　to　the　popular　vote。〃
  Douglas　inquired；　angrily；　whether　he　meant　to　insinuate　that　he　had　been　present　at　any　such　conference。　　Bigler　hesitated　and　sought　to　avoid　the　disclosure　of　the　proceedings　at　their　secret　caucus；　but　Douglas　impetuously　released　him　from　all　secrecy　and　challenged　him；　if　he　knew；　to　declare；　that；　directly　or　indirectly；　publicly　or　privately；　anywhere　on　the　face　of　the　earth；　he　was　ever　present　at　such　a　consultation　when　it　was　called　to　his　attention　and　he　agreed　to　approve　a　Constitution　without　submitting　it　to　the　people。
  Bigler；　who　had　an　uneasy　suspicion　that　he　was　improperly　disclosing　party　secrets；　could　not　decline　the　challenge；　and　replied　that　he　remembered　very　well　that　the　question　was　discussed　at　a　conference　held　at　Douglas'　own　house。　　〃It　was　then　urged；〃　he　said；　〃by　Toombs；　that　there　should　be　no　provision　for　the　submission　of　the　Constitution　to　the　people。〃　　He　did　not　remember　whether　Douglas　took　part　in　the　discussion；　but　his　own　understanding　of　the　sense　of　the　caucus　was　that　the　Convention　should　have　the　right　to　make　a　Constitution　and　send　it　directly　to　Congress　for　approval。
  Douglas　protested　that　he　was　innocent　of　any　such　conspiracy。　　He　confessed　that　his　attention　was　called　to　the　fact　that　no　provision　was　made　in　the　Toombs　bill　for　the　submission　of　the　Constitution；　but　his　understanding　was　that；　powers　not　delegated　being　reserved；　it　would；　of　course；　be　submitted。　　Bigler　reminded　him　that；　while　he　had　taken　this　for　granted　in　the　case　of　Kansas；　he　had　about　the　same　time　drafted　a　bill　for　the　admission　of　Minnesota　in　which　he　took　care　to　provide　in　express　terms　that　the　Constitution　must　be　submitted。　　If　he　then　thought　general　principles　of　law　secured　the　submission　of　the　Kansas　Constitution　without　providing　for　it　in　the　enabling　act；　why　this　care　to　expressly　provide　for　it　in　the　Minnesota　act？
  He　was　now　swimming　amid　perilous　breakers。　　He　had　thrown　down　the　gage　of　battle　to　his　party。　　In　the　twinkling　of　an　eye　he　was　transformed　from　recognized　chief　to　a　rebel；　but　he　was　isolated　and　unsupported。　　He　could　not　consort　with　Republicans。　　The　rankling　wounds　of　the　by…gone　years　could　not　heal　so　suddenly。　Moreover；　he　did　not　want　their　society。　　He　intended　to　remain　a　Democrat　and　hoped　to　force　upon　his　party　such　policies　that　Illinois　and　the　Northwest　would　be　solidly　at　his　back。　　With　the　Democratic　States　of　the　North　standing　firmly　with　him　he　could　still　dictate　terms　to　the　South；　which　would　have　to　choose　between　Northern　Democrats　and　Northern　Republicans。
  Chapter　XII。　　The　Lecompton　Constitution。
  On　February　2nd　Buchanan　sent　to　Congress　his　message；　transmitting　the　Lecompton　Constitution　and　urging　its　approval。　　As　apology　for　his　change　of　front　and　excuse　for　a　like　change　in　others　he　drew　a　dark　picture　of　the　disturbed　condition　of　affairs　in　the　Territory；　portraying　the　Topeka　free　State　enterprise　as　a　vast　insurrectionary　movement。　　He　told　Congress　that　it　was　impossible　to　submit　the　whole　instrument　to　a　vote　because　the　free　State　faction；　who　were　the　majority；　would　vote　against　any　Constitution；　however　perfect；　except　their　own。　　He　commended　the　entire　regularity　of　the　Lecompton　Convention　and　the　fairness　with　which　the　slavery　question　had　been　submitted　to　a　vote　and　urged　immediate　admission。
  When　the　motion　to　print　and　refer　to　the　Committee　on　Territories　was　made；　Trumbull　denounced　the　message　with　great　energy　and　at　some　length。　　He　asked　sneeringly　what　had　become　of　the　once　celebrated　principle　of　popular　sovereignty？　　The　people　of　Kansas　were　denied　the　right　of　voting　on　their　Constitution　at　all　and　the　Dred　Scott　decision　had　settled　that　at　no　stage　had　the　people　of　a　Territory　power　to　interfere　with　slavery。　　The　whole　doctrine；　he　declared；　had　been　absolutely　repudiated。
  The　message　having　been　referred　to　the　Committee　on　Territories　after　six　days'　debate；　on　the　18th　of　February　a　bill　was　reported　by　a　majority　of　the　Committee　for　the　admission　of　Kansas　into　the　Union　under　the　Lecompton　Constitution　and　Douglas　presented　a　minority　report　protesting　against　it。　　For　two　weeks　he　was　confined　to　his　room　by　sickness；　but；　as　the　day　for　the　vote　was　near；　notice　was　given　that　he　would　speak　on　the　22nd　of　March。
  On　that　day　the　Senate　met　at　the　early　hour　of　ten。　　Already　the　galleries　were　crowded。　　Long　before　noon　the　passages　leading　to　the　Chamber　were　thronged　with　men　and　women　vainly　seeking　admission。　In　a　moment　of　graceful　gallantry　the　Senators　admitted　the　ladies　to　the　floor。　　Through　long　hours　of　debate　the　crowd　waited。　　The　Senate　adjourned　until　seven　o'clock；　at　which　time