eudal　class　distinctions　would　be　fostered；　and　here；　in　France；　popular　legislation　would　promote　the　spirit　of　frivolity；　the　sudden　craze　for　an　idea；　and　the　readiness　to　split　into　factions　which　has　always　been　our　bane。
  〃What　has　happened　in　the　forty　years　since　the　electors　took　it　upon　themselves　to　make　laws　for　France？　We　have　something　like　forty　thousand　laws！　A　people　with　forty　thousand　laws　might　as　well　have　none　at　all。　Is　it　likely　that　five　hundred　mediocrities　（for　there　are　never　more　than　a　hundred　great　minds　to　do　the　work　of　any　one　century）；　is　it　likely　that　five　hundred　mediocrities　will　have　the　wit　to　rise　to　the　level　of　these　considerations？　Not　they！　Here　is　a　constant　stream　of　men　poured　forth　from　five　hundred　different　places；　they　will　interpret　the　spirit　of　the　law　in　divers　manners；　and　there　should　be　a　unity　of　conception　in　the　law。
  〃But　I　will　go　yet　further。　Sooner　or　later　an　assembly　of　this　kind　comes　to　be　swayed　by　one　man；　and　instead　of　a　dynasty　of　kings；　you　have　a　constantly　changing　and　costly　succession　of　prime　ministers。　There　comes　a　Mirabeau　or　a　Danton；　a　Robespierre　or　a　Napoleon；　or　proconsuls；　or　an　emperor；　and　there　is　an　end　of　deliberations　and　debates。　In　fact；　it　takes　a　determinate　amount　of　force　to　raise　a　given　weight；　the　force　may　be　distributed；　and　you　may　have　a　less　or　greater　number　of　levers；　but　it　comes　to　the　same　thing　in　the　end：　the　force　must　be　in　proportion　to　the　weight。　The　weight　in　this　case　is　the　ignorant　and　suffering　mass　of　people　who　form　the　lowest　stratum　of　society。　The　attitude　of　authority　is　bound　to　be　repressive；　and　great　concentration　of　the　governing　power　is　needed　to　neutralize　the　force　of　a　popular　movement。　This　is　the　application　of　the　principle　that　I　unfolded　when　I　spoke　just　now　of　the　way　in　which　the　class　privileged　to　govern　should　be　restricted。　If　this　class　is　composed　of　men　of　ability；　they　will　obey　this　natural　law；　and　compel　the　country　to　obey。　If　you　collect　a　crowd　of　mediocrities　together；　sooner　or　later　they　will　fall　under　the　dominion　of　a　stronger　head。　A　deputy　of　talent　understands　the　reasons　for　which　a　government　exists；　the　mediocre　deputy　simply　comes　to　terms　with　force。　An　assembly　either　obeys　an　idea；　like　the　Convention　in　the　time　of　the　Terror；　a　powerful　personality；　like　the　Corps　Legislatif　under　the　rule　of　Napoleon；　or　falls　under　the　domination　of　a　system　or　of　wealth；　as　it　has　done　in　our　own　day。　The　Republican　Assembly；　that　dream　of　some　innocent　souls；　is　an　impossibility。　Those　who　would　fain　bring　it　to　pass　are　either　grossly　deluded　dupes　or　would…　be　tyrants。　Do　you　not　think　that　there　is　something　ludicrous　about　an　Assembly　which　gravely　sits　in　debate　upon　the　perils　of　a　nation　which　ought　to　be　roused　into　immediate　action？　It　is　only　right　of　course　that　the　people　should　elect　a　body　of　representatives　who　will　decide　questions　of　supplies　and　of　taxation；　this　institution　has　always　existed；　under　the　sway　of　the　most　tyrannous　ruler　no　less　than　under　the　sceptre　of　the　mildest　of　princes。　Money　is　not　to　be　taken　by　force；　there　are　natural　limits　to　taxation；　and　if　they　are　overstepped；　a　nation　either　rises　up　in　revolt；　or　lays　itself　down　to　die。　Again；　if　this　elective　body；　changing　from　time　to　time　according　to　the　needs　and　ideas　of　those　whom　it　represents；　should　refuse　obedience　to　a　bad　law　in　the　name　of　the　people；　well　and　good。　But　to　imagine　that　five　hundred　men；　drawn　from　every　corner　of　the　kingdom；　will　make　a　good　law！　Is　it　not　a　dreary　joke；　for　which　the　people　will　sooner　or　later　have　to　pay？　They　have　a　change　of　masters；　that　is　all。
  〃Authority　ought　to　be　given　to　one　man；　he　alone　should　have　the　task　of　making　the　laws；　and　he　should　be　a　man　who；　by　force　of　circumstances；　is　continually　obliged　to　submit　his　actions　to　general　approbation。　But　the　only　restraints　that　can　be　brought　to　bear　upon　the　exercise　of　power；　be　it　the　power　of　the　one；　of　the　many；　or　of　the　multitude；　are　to　be　found　in　the　religious　institutions　of　a　country。　Religion　forms　the　only　adequate　safeguard　against　the　abuse　of　supreme　power。　When　a　nation　ceases　to　believe　in　religion；　it　becomes　ungovernable　in　consequence；　and　its　prince　perforce　becomes　a　tyrant。　The　Chambers　that　occupy　an　intermediate　place　between　rulers　and　their　subjects　are　powerless　to　prevent　these　results；　and　can　only　mitigate　them　to　a　very　slight　extent；　Assemblies；　as　I　have　said　before；　are　bound　to　become　the　accomplices　of　tyranny　on　the　one　hand；　or　of　insurrection　on　the　other。　My　own　leanings　are　towards　a　government　by　one　man；　but　though　it　is　good；　it　cannot　be　absolutely　good；　for　the　results　of　every　policy　will　always　depend　upon　the　condition　and　the　belief　of　the　nation。　If　a　nation　is　in　its　dotage；　if　it　has　been　corrupted　to　the　core　by　philosophism　and　the　spirit　of　discussion；　it　is　on　the　high…road　to　despotism；　from　which　no　form　of　free　government　will　save　it。　And；　at　the　same　time；　a　righteous　people　will　nearly　always　find　liberty　even　under　a　despotic　rule。　All　this　goes　to　show　the　necessity　for　restricting　the　right　of　election　within　very　narrow　limits；　the　necessity　for　a　strong　government；　the　necessity　for　a　powerful　religion　which　makes　the　rich　man　the　friend　of　the　poor；　and　enjoins　upon　the　poor　an　absolute　submission　to　their　lot。　It　is；　in　fact；　really　imperative　that　the　Assemblies　should　be　deprived　of　all　direct　legislative　power；　and　should　confine　themselves　to　the　registration　of　laws　and　to　questions　of　taxation。
  〃I　know　that　different　ideas　from　these　exist　in　many　minds。　To…day；　as　in　past　ages；　there　ware　enthusiasts　who　seek　for　perfection；　and　who　would　like　to　have　society　better　ordered　than　it　is　at　present。　But　innovations　which　tend　to　bring　about　a　kind　of　social　topsy…　turvydom；　ought　only　to　be　undertaken　by　general　consent。　Let　the　innovators　have　patience。　When　I　remember　how　long　it　has　taken　Christianity　to　establish　itself；　how　many　centuries　it　has　taken　to　bring　about　a　purely　moral　revolution　which　surely　ought　to　have　been　accomplished　peacefully；　the　thought　of　the　horrors　of　a　revolution；　in　which　material　interests　are　concerned；　makes　me　shudder；　and　I　am　for　maintaining　existing　institutions。　'Each　shall　have　his　own　thought；'　is　the　dictum　of　Christianity；　'Each　man　shall　have　his　own　field；'　says　modern　law；　and　in　this；　modern　law　is　in　harmony　with　Christianity。　Each　shall　have　his　own　thought；　that　is　a　consecration　of　the　rights　of　intelligence；　and　each　shall　have　his　own　field；　is　a　consecration　of　the　right　to　property　that　has　been　acquired　by　toil。　Hence　our　society。　Nature　has　based　human　life　upon　the　instinct　of　self…preservation；　and　social　life　is　founded　upon　personal　interest。　Such　ideas　as　these　are；　to　my　thinking；　the　very　rudiments　of　politics。　Religion　keeps　these　two　selfish　sentiments　in　subordination　by　the　thought　of　a　future　life；　and　in　this　way　the　harshness　of　the　conflict　of　interests　has　been　somewhat　softened。　God　has　mitigated　the　sufferings　that　arise　from　social　friction　by　a　religious　sentiment　which　raises　self…forgetfulness　into　a　virtue；　just　as　He　has　moderated　the　friction　of　the　mechanism　of　the　universe　by　laws　which　we　do　not　know。　Christianity　bids　the　poor　bear　patiently　with　the　rich；　and　commands　the　rich　to　lighten　the　burdens　of　the　poor；　these　few　words；　to　my　mind；　contain　the　essence　of　all　laws；　human　and　divine！〃
  〃I　am　no　statesman；〃　said　the　notary；　〃I　see　in　a　ruler　a　liquidator　of　society　which　should　always　remain　in　liquidation；　he　should　hand　over　to　his　successor　the　exact　value　of　the　assets　which　he　received。〃
  〃I　am　no　statesman　either；〃　said　Benassis；　hastily　interrupting　the　notary。　〃It　takes　nothing　but　a　little　common　sense　to　better　the　lot　of　a　commune；　of　a　canton；　or　of　an　even　wider　district；　a　department　calls　for　some　administrative　talent；　but　all　these　four　spheres　of　action　are　comparatively　limited；　the　outlook　is　not　too　wide　for　ordinary　powers　of　vision；　and　there　is　a　visible　connection　between　their　interests　and　the　general　progress　made　by　the　State。
  〃But　in　yet　higher　regions；　everything　is　on　a　larger　scale；　the　horizon　widens；　and　from　the　standpoint　where　he　is　placed；　the　statesman　ought　to　grasp　the　whole　situation。　It　is　only　necessary　to　consider　liabilities　due　ten　years　hence；　in　order　to　bring　about　a　great　deal　of　good　in　the　case　of　the　department；　the　district；　the　canton；　or　the　commune；　but　when　it　is　a　question　of　the　destinies　of　a　nation；　a　statesman　must　foresee　a　more　distant　future　and　the　course　that　events　are　likely　to　take　for　the　next　hundred　years。　The　genius　of　a　Colbert　or　of　a　Sully　avails　nothing；　unless　it　is　supported　by　the　energetic　will　that　makes　a　Napoleon　or　a　Cromwell。　A　great　minister；　gentlemen；　is　a　great　thought　written　at　large　over　all　the　years　of　a　century　of　prosperity　and　splendor　for　which　he　has　prepared　the　way。　Steadfast　perseverance　is　the　virtue　of　which　he　stands　most　in　need；　and　in　all　human　affairs　does　not　steadfast　perseverance　indicate　a　power　of　the　very　highest　order？　We　have　had　for　some　time　past　too　many　men　who