s　whereof　the　Rack…rent　would　be　two　Millions；　viz。　about　four　Millions　of　Acres；　which　is　about　a　sixth　part　of　the　whole；　making　the　said　four　Millions　to　be　Crown　Lands；　and　as　the　four　Counties　intended　to　be　reserved　in　Ireland　upon　the　forfeitures　were。　Or　else　to　excize　a　sixth　part　of　the　rent　of　the　whole；　which　is　about　the　proportion；　that　the　Adventurers　and　Souldiers　in　Ireland　retribute　to　the　King；　as　Quit　Rents。　Of　which　two　wayes；　the　latter　is　manifestly　the　better；　the　King　having　more　security；　and　more　obliges；　provided　the　troubl　and　charge　of　this　universal　Collection；　exceed　not　that　of　the　other　advantage　considerably。　　　　　4。　This　way　in　a　new　State　would　be　good；　being　agreed　upon；　as　it　was　in　Ireland；　before　men　had　even　the　possession　of　any　Land　at　all；　wherefore　whosoever　buyes　Land　in　Ireland　hereafter；　is　no　more　concerned　with　the　Quit　Rents　wherewith　they　are　charged；　then　if　the　Acres　were　so　much　the　fewer；　or　then　men　are；　who　buy　Land；　out　of　which　they　know　Tythes　are　to　be　paid。　And　truly　that　Countrey　is　happy；　in　which　by　Original　Accord；　such　a　Rent　is　reserved；　as　whereby　the　Publick　charge　may　be　born；　without　contingent；　sudden；　superadditions；　in　which　lies　the　very　Ratio　of　the　burthen　of　all　Contributions　and　Exactions。　For　in　such　cases；　as　was　said　before；　it　is　not　onely　the　Landlord　payes；　but　every　man　who　eats　but　an　Egg；　or　an　Onion　of　the　growth　of　his　Lands；　or　who　useth　the　help　of　any　Artisan；　which　feedeth　on　the　same。　　　　　5。　But　if　the　same　wer　propounded　in　England；　biz。　if　an　aliquot　part　of　every　Landlords　Rent　were　excinded　or　retrenched；　then　those　whose　Rents　were　settled；　and　determined　for　long　times　to　come；　would　chiefly　bear　the　burthen　of　such　an　Imposition；　and　others　have　a　benefit　thereby。　For　suppose　A；　and　B；　have　each　of　them　a　parcel　of　Land；　of　equal　goodness　and　value；　suppose　also　that　A　hath　let　his　parcel　for　twenty　one　years　at　twenty　pound　per　annum；　but　that　B　is　free；　now　there　comes　out　a　Taxe　of　a　fifth　part；　hereupon　B　will　not　let　under　25l。　that　his　remainder　may　be　twenty；　whereas　A　must　be　contented　with　sixteen　neat；　nevertheless　the　Tenants　of　A　will　sell　the　proceed　of　their　bargain　at　the　same　rate；　that　the　Tenants　of　B　shall　do。　The　effect　of　all　this　is；　First；　that　the　Kings　fifth　part　of　B　his　Farm　shall　be　greater　then　before。　Secondly；　that　the　Farmer　to　B　shall　gain　more　then　before　the　Taxe。　Thirdly；　that　the　Tenant　or　Farmer　of　A　shall　gain　as　much　as　the　King　and　Tenant　to　B　both。　Fourthly；　the　Tax　doth　ultimately　light　upon　the　Landlord　A　and　the　Consumptioners。　From　whence　it　follows；　that　a　Land…taxe　resolves　into　an　irregular　Excize　upon　consumptions；　that　those；　bear　it　most；　who　least　complain。　And　lastly；　that　some。　Landlords　may　gain；　and　onely　such　whose　Rents　are　predetermined　shall　loose；　and　that　doubly；　viz。　one　way　by　the　raising　of　their　revenues；　and　the　other　by　exhausting　the　prices　of　provisions　upon　them。　　　　　6。　Another　way　is　an　Excisum　out　of　the　Rent　of　Houseing；　which　is　much　more　uncertain　then　that　of　Land。　For　an　House　is　of　a　double　nature；　viz。　one；　wherein　it　is　a　way　and　means　of　expence；　the　other；　as　'tis　an　Instrument　and　Tool　of　gain：　for　a　Shop　in　London　of　less　capacity　and　less　charge　in　building　then　a　fair　Dining…room　in　the　same　House　unto　which　both　do　belong；　shall　nevertheless　be　of　the　greater　value；　so　also　shall　a　Dungeon；　Sellar；　then　a　pleasant　Chamber；　because　the　one　is　expence；　the　other　profit。　Now　the　way　Land…taxe　rates　housing；　as　of　the　latter　nature；　but　the　Excize；　as　of　the　former。　　　　　7。　We　might　sometimes　adde　hereunto；　that　housing　is　sometimes　disproportionately　taxed　to　discourage　Building；　especially　upon　new　Foundations；　thereby　to　prevent　the　growth　of　a　City；　suppose　London；　such　excessive　and　overgrown　Cities　being　dangerous　to　Monarchy；　though　the　more　secure　when　the　supremacy　is　in　Citizens　of　such　places　themselves；　as　in　Venice。　　　　　8。　But　we　say；　that　such　checking　of　new　Buildings　signifies　nothing　to　this　purpose；　forasmuch　as　Buildings　do　not　encrease；　until　the　People　already　have　increased：　but　the　remedy　of　the　above　mentioned　dangers　is　to　be　sought　in　the　causes　of　the　encrease　of　People；　the　which　if　they　can　be　nipt；　the　other　work　will　necessarily　be　done。　　　　　But　what　then　is　the　true　effect　of　forbidding　to　build　upon　new　foundations？　I　answer　to　keep　and　fasten　the　City　to　its　old　seat　and　ground…plot；　the　which　encouragement　for　new　Buildings　will　remove；　as　it　comes　to　pas　almost　in　all　great　Cities；　though　insensibly；　and　not　under　many　years　progression。　　　　　9。　The　reason　whereof　is；　because　men　are　unwilling　to　build　new　houses　at　the　charge　of　pulling　down　their　old；　where　both　the　old　house　it　self；　and　the　ground　it　stands　upon　do　make　a　much　dearer　ground…plot　for　a　new　house；　and　yet　far　less　free　and　convenient；　wherefore　men　build　upon　new　free　foundations；　and　cobble　up　old　houses；　until　they　become　fundamentally　irreparable；　at　which　time　they　become　either　the　dwelling　of　the　Rascality；　or　in　process　of　time　return　to　waste　and　Gardens　again；　examples　whereof　are　many　even　about　London。　　　　　Now　if　great　Cities　are　naturally　apt　to　remove　their　Seats；　I　ask　which　way？　I　say；　in　the　case　of　London；　it　must　be　Westward；　because　teh　Windes　blowing　near　3/4　of　the　year　from　the　West；　the　dwellings　of　the　West　end　are　so　much　the　more　free　from　the　fumes；　steams；　and　stinks　of　the　whole　Easterly　Pyle；　which　where　Seacoal　is　burnt　is　a　great　matter。　Now　if　it　follow　from　hence；　that　the　Pallaces　of　the　greatest　men　will　remove　Westward；　it　will　also　naturally　follow；　that　the　dwellings　of　others　who　depend　upon　them　will　creep　after　them。　This　we　see　in　London；　where　the　Noblemens　ancient　houses　are　not　become　Halls　for　Companies；　or　turned　into　Tenements；　and　all　the　Palaces　are　gotten　Westward；　Insomuch；　as　I　do　not　doubt　but　that　five　hundred　years　hence；　the　King's　Pallace　will　be　near　Chelsey；　and　the　old　building　of　Whitehall　converted　to　uses　more　answerable　to　their　quality。　For　to　build　a　new　Royal　Pallace　upon　the　same　ground　will　be　too　great　a　confinement；　in　respect　of　Gardens　and　other　magnificencies；　and　withall　a　disaccommodation　in　the　time　of　the　work；　but　it　rather　seems　to　me；　that　the　next　Palace　will　be　buildt　from　the　whole　present　contignation　of　houses　at　such　a　distance　as　the　old　Pallace　of　Westminster　was　from　the　City　of　London；　when　the　Archers　began　to　bend　their　bowes　just　without　Ludgate；　and　when　all　the　space　between　the　Thames；　Fleet…Street；　and　Holborn　was　as　Finsbury…Fields　are　now。　　　　　11。　Onely　I　think　'tis　certain；　that　while　ever　there　are　people　in　England；　the　greatest　cohabitation　of　them　will　be　about　the　place　which　is　now　London；　the　Thames　being　the　most　commodious　River　of　this　Island；　and　the　seat　of　London　the　most　commodious　part　of　the　Thames；　so　much　doth　the　means　of　facilitating　Carriage　greaten　a　City；　which　may　put　us　in　minde　of　employing　our　idle　hands　about　mending　the　High…wayes；　making　Bridges；　Cawseys；　and　Rivers　navigable：　Which　considerations　brings　me　back　round　into　my　way　of　Taxes；　from　whence　I　digrest。　　　　　12。　But　before　we　talk　too　much　of　Rents；　we　should　endeavour　to　explain　the　mysterious　nature　of　them；　with　reference　as　well　to　Money；　the　rent　of　which　we　call　usury；　as　to　that　of　Lands　and　Houses；　afore…mentioned。　　　　　13。　Suppose　a　man　could　with　his　own　hands　plant　a　certain　scope　of　Land　with　Corn；　that　is；　could　Digg；　or　Plough；　Harrow；　Weed；　Reap；　Carry　home；　Tresh；　and　Winnow　so　much　as　the　Husbandry　of　this　Land　requires；　and　had　withal　Seed　wherewith　to　sowe　the　same。　I　say；　that　when　this　man　hath　subducted　his　seed　out　of　the　proceed　of　his　Harvest；　and　also；　what　himself　hath　both　eaten　and　given　to　others　in　exchange　for　Clothes；　and　other　Natural　necessaries；　that　the　remainder　of　Corn　is　the　natural　and　true　Rent　of　the　Land　for　that　year；　and　the　medium　of　seven　years；　or　rather　of　so　many　years　as　makes　up　the　Cycle；　within　which　Dearths　and　Plenties　make　their　revolution；　doth　givbe　the　ordinary　Rent　of　Land　in　Corn。　　　　　14。　But　a　further；　though　collateral　question　may　be；　how　much　English　money　this　Corn　or　Rent　is　worth？　I　answer；　so　much　as　the　money；　which　another　single　man　can　save；　within　the　same　time；　over　and　above　his　expence；　if　he　imployed　himself　wholly　to　produce　and　make　it；　viz。　Let　another　man　go　travel　into　a　Countrey　where　is　Silver；　there　Dig　it；　Refine　it；　bring　it　to　the　same　place　where　the　other　man　planted　his　Corn；　Coyne　it；　etc。　the　same　person；　all　the　while　of　his　working　for　Silver；　gathering　also　food　for　his　necessary　livelihood；　and　procuring　himself　covering；　etc。　I　say；　the　Silver　of　the　one；　must　be　esteemed　of　equal　value　with　the　Corn　of　the　other：　the　one　being　perhaps　twenty　Ounces　and　the　other　twenty　Bushels。　From　whence　it　follows；　that　the　price　of　a　Bushel　of　this　Corn　to　be　an　Ounce　of　Silver。　　　　　15。　And　forasmuch　as　possible　there　may　be　more　Art　and　Hazzard　in　working　abou　the　Silver；　then　about　the　Corn；　yet　all　comes　to　the　same　pass；　for　let　a　hundred　men　work　ten　years　upon　Corn；　and　the　same　number　of　men；　the　same　time；　upon　Silver；　I　say；　that　the　neat　proceed　of　the　Silver　is　the