ves　were　peradventure　hurtful；　was　this　Parliament　constrained　to　ask；　lest　otherwise　good　laws　and　precious　rights　should　be　without　defence。　　Nor　did　they　want　a　great　and　signal　example　of　this　danger。　　I　need　not　remind　you　that；　many　years　before；　the　two　Houses　had　presented　to　the　king　the　Petition　of　Right；　wherein　were　set　down　all　the　most　valuable　privileges　of　the　people　of　this　realm。　　Did　not　Charles　accept　it？　　Did　he　not　declare　it　to　be　law？　　Was　it　not　as　fully　enacted　as　ever　were　any　of　those　bills　of　the　Long　Parliament　concerning　which　you　spoke？　　And　were　those　privileges　therefore　enjoyed　more　fully　by　the　people？　No：　　the　king　did　from　that　time　redouble　his　oppressions　as　if　to　avenge　himself　for　the　shame　of　having　been　compelled　to　renounce　them。　　Then　were　our　estates　laid　under　shameful　impositions；　our　houses　ransacked；　our　bodies　imprisoned。　Then　was　the　steel　of　the　hangman　blunted　with　mangling　the　ears　of　harmless　men。　Then　our　very　minds　were　fettered；　and　the　iron　entered　into　our　souls。　　Then　we　were　compelled　to　hide　our　hatred；　our　sorrow；　and　our　scorn；　to　laugh　with　hidden　faces　at　the　mummery　of　Laud；　to　curse　under　our　breath　the　tyranny　of　Wentworth。　　Of　old　time　it　was　well　and　nobly　said；　by　one　of　our　kings；　that　an　Englishman　ought　to　be　as　free　as　his　thoughts。　Our　prince　reversed　the　maxim；　he　strove　to　make　our　thoughts　as　much　slaves　as　ourselves。　　To　sneer　at　a　Romish　pageant；　to　miscall　a　lord's　crest；　were　crimes　for　which　there　was　no　mercy。　These　were　all　the　fruits　which　we　gathered　from　those　excellent　laws　of　the　former　Parliament；　from　these　solemn　promises　of　the　king。　　Were　we　to　be　deceived　again？　　Were　we　again　to　give　subsidies；　and　receive　nothing　but　promises？　　Were　we　again　to　make　wholesome　statutes；　and　then　leave　them　to　be　broken　daily　and　hourly；　until　the　oppressor　should　have　squandered　another　supply；　and　should　be　ready　for　another　perjury？　　You　ask　what　they　could　desire　which　he　had　not　already　granted。　　Let　me　ask　of　you　another　question。　　What　pledge　could　he　give　which　he　had　not　already　violated？　　From　the　first　year　of　his　reign；　whenever　he　had　need　of　the　purses　of　his　Commons　to　support　the　revels　of　Buckingham　or　the　processions　of　Laud；　he　had　assured　them　that；　as　he　was　a　gentleman　and　a　king；　he　would　sacredly　preserve　their　rights。　　He　had　pawned　those　solemn　pledges；　and　pawned　them　again　and　again；　but　when　had　he　redeemed　them？　　'Upon　my　faith；''Upon　my　sacred　word；''Upon　the　honour　of　a　prince；'　came　so　easily　from　his　lips；　and　dwelt　so　short　a　time　on　his　mind　that　they　were　as　little　to　be　trusted　as　the　'By　the　hilts'　of　an　Alsatian　dicer。
  〃Therefore　it　is　that　I　praise　this　Parliament　for　what　else　I　might　have　condemned。　　If　what　he　had　granted　had　been　granted　graciously　and　readily；　if　what　he　had　before　promised　had　been　faithfully　observed；　they　could　not　be　defended。　　It　was　because　he　had　never　yielded　the　worst　abuse　without　a　long　struggle；　and　seldom　without　a　large　bribe；　it　was　because　he　had　no　sooner　disentangled　himself　from　his　troubles　than　he　forgot　his　promises；　and；　more　like　a　villainous　huckster　than　a　great　king；　kept　both　the　prerogative　and　the　large　price　which　had　been　paid　to　him　to　forego　it；　it　was　because　of　these　things　that　it　was　necessary　and　just　to　bind　with　forcible　restraints　one　who　could　be　bound　neither　by　law　nor　honour。　　Nay；　even　while　he　was　making　those　very　concessions　of　which　you　speak；　he　betrayed　his　deadly　hatred　against　the　people　and　their　friends。　　Not　only　did　he；　contrary　to　all　that　ever　was　deemed　lawful　in　England；　order　that　members　of　the　Commons　House　of　Parliament　should　be　impeached　of　high　treason　at　the　bar　of　the　Lords；　thereby　violating　both　the　trial　by　jury　and　the　privileges　of　the　House；　but；　not　content　with　breaking　the　law　by　his　ministers；　he　went　himself　armed　to　assail　it。　　In　the　birth…place　and　sanctuary　of　freedom；　in　the　House　itself；　nay　in　the　very　chair　of　the　speaker；　placed　for　the　protection　of　free　speech　and　privilege；　he　sat；　rolling　his　eyes　round　the　benches；　searching　for　those　whose　blood　he　desired；　and　singling　out　his　opposers　to　the　slaughter。　　This　most　foul　outrage　fails。　　Then　again　for　the　old　arts。　　Then　come　gracious　messages。　　Then　come　courteous　speeches。　　Then　is　again　mortgaged　his　often　forfeited　honour。　He　will　never　again　violate　the　laws。　　He　will　respect　their　rights　as　if　they　were　his　own。　　He　pledges　the　dignity　of　his　crown；　that　crown　which　had　been　committed　to　him　for　the　weal　of　his　people；　and　which　he　never　named；　but　that　he　might　the　more　easily　delude　and　oppress　them。
  〃The　power　of　the　sword；　I　grant　you；　was　not　one　to　be　permanently　possessed　by　Parliament。　　Neither　did　that　Parliament　demand　it　as　a　permanent　possession。　　They　asked　it　only　for　temporary　security。　　Nor　can　I　see　on　what　conditions　they　could　safely　make　peace　with　that　false　and　wicked　king；　save　such　as　would　deprive　him　of　all　power　to　injure。
  〃For　civil　war；　that　it　is　an　evil　I　dispute　not。　　But　that　it　is　the　greatest　of　evils；　that　I　stoutly　deny。　　It　doth　indeed　appear　to　the　misjudging　to　be　a　worse　calamity　than　bad　government；　because　its　miseries　are　collected　together　within　a　short　space　and　time；　and　may　easily　at　one　view　be　taken　in　and　perceived。　　But　the　misfortunes　of　nations　ruled　by　tyrants；　being　distributed　over　many　centuries　and　many　places；　as　they　are　of　greater　weight　and　number；　so　are　they　of　less　display。　When　the　Devil　of　tyranny　hath　gone　into　the　body　politic　he　departs　not　but　with　struggles；　and　foaming；　and　great　convulsions。　　Shall　he；　therefore；　vex　it　for　ever；　lest；　in　going　out；　he　for　a　moment　tear　and　rend　it？　　Truly　this　argument　touching　the　evils　of　war　would　better　become　my　friend　Elwood；　or　some　other　of　the　people　called　Quakers；　than　a　courtier　and　a　cavalier。　　It　applies　no　more　to　this　war　than　to　all　others；　as　well　foreign　as　domestic；　and；　in　this　war；　no　more　to　the　Houses　than　to　the　king；　nay；　not　so　much；　since　he　by　a　little　sincerity　and　moderation　might　have　rendered　that　needless　which　their　duty　to　God　and　man　then　enforced　them　to　do。〃
  〃Pardon　me；　Mr　Milton；〃　said　Mr　Cowley；　〃I　grieve　to　hear　you　speak　thus　of　that　good　king。　　Most　unhappy　indeed　he　was；　in　that　he　reigned　at　a　time　when　the　spirit　of　the　then　living　generation　was　for　freedom；　and　the　precedents　of　former　ages　for　prerogative。　　His　case　was　like　to　that　of　Christopher　Columbus；　when　he　sailed　forth　on　an　unknown　ocean；　and　found　that　the　compass；　whereby　he　shaped　his　course；　had　shifted　from　the　north　pole　whereto　before　it　had　constantly　pointed。　　So　it　was　with　Charles。　　His　compass　varied；　and　therefore　he　could　not　tack　aright。　　If　he　had　been　an　absolute　king　he　would　doubtless；　like　Titus　Vespasian；　have　been　called　the　delight　of　the　human　race。　If　he　had　been　a　Doge　of　Venice；　or　a　Stadtholder　of　Holland；　he　would　never　have　outstepped　the　laws。　　But　he　lived　when　our　government　had　neither　clear　definitions　nor　strong　sanctions。　Let；　therefore；　his　faults　be　ascribed　to　the　time。　　Of　his　virtues　the　praise　is　his　own。
  〃Never　was　there　a　more　gracious　prince；　or　a　more　proper　gentleman。　　In　every　pleasure　he　was　temperate；　in　conversation　mild　and　grave；　in　friendship　constant；　to　his　servants　liberal；　to　his　queen　faithful　and　loving；　in　battle　grave；　in　sorrow　and　captivity　resolved；　in　death　most　Christian　and　forgiving。
  〃For　his　oppressions；　let　us　look　at　the　former　history　of　this　realm。　　James　was　never　accounted　a　tyrant。　　Elizabeth　is　esteemed　to　have　been　the　mother　of　her　people。　　Were　they　less　arbitrary？　　Did　they　never　lay　hands　on　the　purses　of　their　subjects　but　by　Act　of　Parliament？　　Did　they　never　confine　insolent　and　disobedient　men　but　in　due　course　of　law？　　Was　the　court　of　Star　Chamber　less　active？　　Were　the　ears　of　libellers　more　safe？　　I　pray　you；　let　not　king　Charles　be　thus　dealt　with。　It　was　enough　that　in　his　life　he　was　tried　for　an　alleged　breach　of　laws　which　none　ever　heard　named　till　they　were　discovered　for　his　destruction。　　Let　not　his　fame　be　treated　as　was　his　sacred　and　anointed　body。　　Let　not　his　memory　be　tried　by　principles　found　out　ex　post　facto。　　Let　us　not　judge　by　the　spirit　of　one　generation　a　man　whose　disposition　had　been　formed　by　the　temper　and　fashion　of　another。〃
  〃Nay；　but　conceive　me；　Mr　Cowley；〃　said　Mr　Milton；　〃inasmuch　as；　at　the　beginning　of　his　reign；　he　imitated　those　who　had　governed　before　him；　I　blame　him　not。　　To　expect　that　kings　will；　of　their　own　free　choice；　abridge　their　prerogative；　were　argument　of　but　slender　wisdom。　　Whatever；　therefore；　lawless；　unjust；　or　cruel；　he　either　did　or　permitted　during　the　first　years　of　his　reign；　I　pass　by。　　But　for　what　was　done　after　that　he　had　solemnly　given　his　consent　to　the　Petition　of　Right；　where　shall　we　find　defence？　　Let　it　be　supposed；　which　yet　I　concede　not；　that　the　tyranny　of　his　father　and　of　Queen　Elizabeth　had　been　no　less　rigorous　than　was　his。　　But　had　his　father；　had　that　queen；　sworn　like　him；　to　abstain　from　those　rigours？　　Had　they；　like　him；　for　good　and　valuable　consideration；　aliened　their　hurtful　prerogatives？　　Surely　not：　　from　whatever　excuse