ish　and　distress　their　thoughts　recurred　to　the　country　which　they　had　served　in　its　hour　of　trial；　three　thousand　miles　away。　They　sought　the　legation　of　the　United　States　and　turned　to　the　American　minister　for　protection。
  Such　an　exercise　of　humanity　at　that　moment　was　not　a　duty　that　any　man　craved。　In　those　terrible　days　in　Paris；　the　representatives　of　foreign　governments　were　hardly　safer　than　any　one　else。　Many　of　the　ambassadors　and　ministers　had　already　left　the　country；　and　others　were　even　then　abandoning　their　posts；　which　it　seemed　impossible　to　hold　at　such　a　time。　But　the　American　minister　stood　his　ground。　Gouverneur　Morris　was　not　a　man　to　shrink　from　what　he　knew　to　be　his　duty。　He　had　been　a　leading　patriot　in　our　revolution；　he　had　served　in　the　Continental　Congress；　and　with　Robert　Morris　in　the　difficult　work　of　the　Treasury；　when　all　our　resources　seemed　to　be　at　their　lowest　ebb。　In　1788　he　had　gone　abroad　on　private　business；　and　had　been　much　in　Paris；　where　he　had　witnessed　the　beginning　of　the　French　Revolution　and　had　been　consulted　by　men　on　both　sides。　In　1790；　by　Washington's　direction；　he　had　gone　to　London　and　had　consulted　the　ministry　there　as　to　whether　they　would　receive　an　American　minister。　Thence　he　had　returned　to　Paris；　and　at　the　beginning　Of　1792　Washington　appointed　him　minister　of　the　United　States　to　France。
  As　an　American；　Morris's　sympathies　had　run　strongly　in　favor　of　the　movement　to　relieve　France　from　the　despotism　under　which　she　was　sinking；　and　to　give　her　a　better　and　more　liberal　government。　But；　as　the　Revolution　progressed；　he　became　outraged　and　disgusted　by　the　methods　employed。　He　felt　a　profound　contempt　for　both　sides。　The　inability　of　those　who　were　conducting　the　Revolution　to　carry　out　intelligent　plans　or　maintain　order；　and　the　feebleness　of　the　king　and　his　advisers；　were　alike　odious　to　the　man　with　American　conceptions　of　ordered　liberty。　He　was　especially　revolted　by　the　bloodshed　and　cruelty；　constantly　gathering　in　strength；　which　were　displayed　by　the　revolutionists；　and　he　had　gone　to　the　very　verge　of　diplomatic　propriety　in　advising　the　ministers　of　the　king　in　regard　to　the　policies　to　be　pursued；　and；　as　he　foresaw　what　was　coming；　in　urging　the　king　himself　to　leave　France。　All　his　efforts　and　all　his　advice；　like　those　of　other　intelligent　men　who　kept　their　heads　during　the　whirl　of　the　Revolution；　were　alike　vain。
  On　August　10　the　gathering　storm　broke　with　full　force；　and　the　populace　rose　in　arms　to　sweep　away　the　tottering　throne。　Then　it　was　that　these　people；　fleeing　for　their　lives；　came　to　the　representative　of　the　country　for　which　many　of　them　had　fought；　and　on　both　public　and　private　grounds　besought　the　protection　of　the　American　minister。　Let　me　tell　what　happened　in　the　words　of　an　eye…witness；　an　American　gentleman　who　was　in　Paris　at　that　time；　and　who　published　the　following　account　of　his　experiences：
  On　the　ever　memorable　10th　of　August；　after　viewing　the　destruction　of　the　Royal　Swiss　Guards　and　the　dispersion　of　the　Paris　militia　by　a　band　of　foreign　and　native　incendiaries；　the　writer　thought　it　his　duty　to　visit　the　Minister；　who　had　not　been　out　of　his　hotel　since　the　insurrection　began；　and；　as　was　to　be　expected；　would　be　anxious　to　learn　what　was　passing　without　doors。　He　was　surrounded　by　the　old　Count　d'Estaing；　and　about　a　dozen　other　persons　of　distinction；　of　different　sexes；　who　had；　from　their　connection　with　the　United　States；　been　his　most　intimate　acquaintances　at　Paris；　and　who　had　taken　refuge　with　him　for　protection　from　the　bloodhounds　which；　in　the　forms　of　men　and　women；　were　prowling　in　the　streets　at　the　time。　All　was　silence　here；　except　that　silence　was　occasionally　interrupted　by　the　crying　of　the　women　and　children。　As　I　retired；　the　Minister　took　me　aside；　and　observed：　〃I　have　no　doubt；　sir；　but　there　are　persons　on　the　watch　who　would　find　fault　with　my　conduct　as　Minister　in　receiving　and　protecting　these　people；　but　I　call　on　you　to　witness　the　declaration　which　I　now　make；　and　that　is　that　they　were　not　invited　to　my　house；　but　came　of　their　own　accord。　Whether　my　house　will　be　a　protection　to　them　or　to　me；　God　only　knows；　but　I　will　not　turn　them　out　of　it；　let　what　will　happen　to　me　to　which　he　added；　〃You　see；　sir；　they　are　all　persons　to　whom　our　country　is　more　or　less　indebted；　and　it　would　be　inhuman　to　force　them　into　the　hands　of　the　assas。　sins；　had　they　no　such　claim　upon　me。〃
  Nothing　can　be　added　to　this　simple　account；　and　no　American　can　read　it　or　repeat　the　words　of　Mr。　Morris　without　feeling　even　now；　a　hundred　years　after　the　event；　a　glow　of　pride　that　such　words　were　uttered　at　such　a　time　by　the　man　who　represented　the　United　States。
  After　August　10；　when　matters　in　Paris　became　still　worse；　Mr。　Morris　still　stayed　at　his　post。　Let　me　give；　in　his　own　words；　what　he　did　and　his　reasons　for　it：
  The　different　ambassadors　and　ministers　are　all　taking　their　flight；　and　if　I　stay　I　shall　be　alone。　I　mean；　however；　to　stay；　unless　circumstances　should　command　me　away；　because；　in　the　admitted　case　that　my　letters　of　credence　are　to　the　monarchy；　and　not　to　the　Republic　of　France；　it　becomes　a　matter　of　indifference　whether　I　remain　in　this　country　or　go　to　England　during　the　time　which　may　be　needful　to　obtain　your　orders；　or　to　produce　a　settlement　of　affairs　here。　Going　hence；　however；　would　look　like　taking　part　against　the　late　Revolution；　and　I　am　not　only　unauthorized　in　this　respect；　but　I　am　bound　to　suppose　that　if　the　great　majority　of　the　nation　adhere　to　the　new　form；　the　United　States　will　approve　thereof；　because；　in　the　first　place；　we　have　no　right　to　prescribe　to　this　country　the　government　they　shall　adopt；　and　next；　because　the　basis　of　our　own　Constitution　is　the　indefeasible　right　of　the　people　to　establish　it。
  Among　those　who　are　leaving　Paris　is　the　Venetian　ambassador。　He　was　furnished　with　passports　from　the　Office　of　Foreign　Affairs；　but　he　was；　nevertheless；　stopped　at　the　barrier；　was　conducted　to　the　Hotel　de　Ville；　was　there　questioned　for　hours；　and　his　carriages　examined　and　searched。　This　violation　of　the　rights　of　ambassadors　could　not　fail；　as　you　may　suppose；　to　make　an　impression。　It　has　been　broadly　hinted　to　me　that　the　honor　of　my　country　and　my　own　require　that　I　should　go　away。　But　I　am　of　a　different　opinion；　and　rather　think　that　those　who　give　such　hints　are　somewhat　influenced　by　fear。　It　is　true　that　the　position　is　not　without　danger；　but　I　presume　that　when　the　President　did　me　the　honor　of　naming　me　to　this　embassy；　it　was　not　for　my　personal　pleasure　or　safety；　but　to　promote　the　interests　of　my　country。　These；　therefore；　I　shall　continue　to　pursue　to　the　best　of　my　judgment；　and　as　to　consequences；　they　are　in　the　hand　of　God。
  He　remained　there　until　his　successor　arrived。　When　all　others　fled；　he　was　faithful；　and　such　conduct　should　never　be　forgotten。　Mr。　Morris　not　only　risked　his　life；　but　he　took　a　heavy　responsibility；　and　laid　himself　open　to　severe　attack　for　having　protected　defenseless　people　against　the　assaults　of　the　mob。　But　his　courageous　humanity　is　something　which　should　ever　be　remembered；　and　ought　always　to　be　characteristic　of　the　men　who　represent　the　United　States　in　foreign　countries。　When　we　recall　the　French　Revolution；　it　is　cheering　to　think　of　that　fearless　figure　of　the　American　minister；　standing　firm　and　calm　in　the　midst　of　those　awful　scenes；　with　sacked　palaces；　slaughtered　soldiers；　and　a　bloodstained　mob　about　him；　regardless　of　danger　to　himself；　determined　to　do　his　duty　to　his　country；　and　to　those　to　whom　his　country　was　indebted。
  THE　BURNING　OF　THE　〃PHILADELPHIA〃
  And　say　besides；　that　in　Aleppo　once；　Where　a　malignant　and　a　turban'd　Turk　Beat　a　Venetian　and　traduced　the　state；　I　took　by　the　throat　the　circumcised　dog　And　smote　him；　thus。　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　Othello。
  THE　BURNING　OF　THE　〃PHILADELPHIA〃
  It　is　difficult　to　conceive　that　there　ever　was　a　time　when　the　United　States　paid　a　money　tribute　to　anybody。　It　is　even　more　difficult　to　imagine　the　United　States　paying　blackmail　to　a　set　of　small　piratical　tribes　on　the　coast　of　Africa。　Yet　this　is　precisely　what　we　once　did　with　the　Barbary　powers；　as　they　were　called　the　States　of　Morocco；　Tunis；　Tripoli；　and　Algiers；　lying　along　the　northern　coast　of　Africa。　The　only　excuse　to　be　made　for　such　action　was　that　we　merely　followed　the　example　of　Christendom。　The　civilized　people　of　the　world　were　then　in　the　habit　of　paying　sums　of　money　to　these　miserable　pirates；　in　order　to　secure　immunity　for　their　merchant　vessels　in　the　Mediterranean。　For　this　purpose　Congress　appropriated　money；　and　treaties　were　made　by　the　President　and　ratified　by　the　Senate。　On　one　occasion；　at　least；　Congress　actually　revoked　the　authorization　of　some　new　ships　for　the　navy；　and　appropriated　more　money　than　was　required　to　build　the　men…of…war　in　order　to　buy　off　the　Barbary　powers。　The　fund　for　this　disgraceful　purpose　was　known　as　the　〃Mediterranean　fund；〃　and　was　intrusted　to　the　Secretary　of　State　to　be　disbursed　by　him　in　his　discretion。　After　we　had　our　brush　with　France；　however；　in　1798；　and　after　Truxtun's