m　wavered　inwardly　between　incredulity　and　a　remnant　of　the　　faith　in　which　they　were　brought　up；　and　outwardly　held　for　prudential　　reasons　to　the　Church。
  Through　the　connexion　of　rationalism　with　the　newly　born　science　of　　historical　investigation；　some　timid　attempts　at　biblical　criticism　may　　here　and　there　have　been　made。　A　saying　of　Pius　II　has　been　recorded；　　which　seems　intended　to　prepare　the　way　for　such　criticism：　'Even　if　　Christianity　were　not　confirmed　by　miracles；　it　ought　still　to　be　　accepted　on　account　of　its　morality。'　The　legends　of　the　Church；　in　so　　far　as　they　contained　arbitrary　versions　of　the　biblical　miracles；　were　　freely　ridiculed；　and　this　reacted　on　the　religious　sense　of　the　　people。　Where　Judaizing　heretics　are　mentioned；　we　must　understand　　chiefly　those　who　denied　the　Divinity　of　Christ；　which　was　probably　the　　offence　for　which　Giorgio　da　Novara　was　burnt　at　Bologna　about　the　year　　1500。　But　again　at　Bologna　in　the　year　1497　the　Dominican　Inquisitor　　was　forced　to　let　the　physician　Gabriele　da　Salo；　who　had　powerful　　patrons；　escape　with　a　simple　expression　of　penitence；　although　he　was　　in　the　habit　of　maintaining　that　Jesus　was　not　God；　but　son　of　Joseph　　and　Mary；　and　conceived　in　the　usual　way；　that　by　his　cunning　he　had　　deceived　the　world　to　its　ruin；　that　he　may　have　died　on　the　cross　on　　account　of　crimes　which　he　had　committed；　that　his　religion　would　soon　　come　to　an　end；　that　his　body　was　not　really　contained　in　the　　sacrament；　and　that　he　performed　his　miracles；　not　through　any　divine　　power；　but　through　the　influence　of　the　heavenly　bodies。　This　latter　　statement　is　most　characteristic　of　the　time：　Faith　is　gone；　but　magic　　still　holds　its　ground。
  With　respect　to　the　moral　government　of　the　world；　the　humanists　seldom　　get　beyond　a　cold　and　resigned　consideration　of　the　prevalent　violence　　and　misrule。　In　this　mood　the　main　works　'On　Fate；'　or　whatever　name　　they　bear；　are　written。　They　tell　of　the　turning　of　the　wheel　of　　Fortune；　and　of　the　instability　of　earthly；　especially　political；　　things。　Providence　is　only　brought　in　because　the　writers　would　still　　be　ashamed　of　undisguised　fatalism；　of　the　avowal　of　their　ignorance；　　or　of　useless　complaints。　Gioviano　Pontano　ingeniously　illustrates　the　　nature　of　that　mysterious　something　which　men　call　Fortune　by　a　hundred　　incidents；　most　of　which　belonged　to　his　own　experience。　The　subject　is　　treated　more　humorously　by　Aeneas　Sylvius；　in　the　form　of　a　vision　seen　　in　a　dream。　The　aim　of　Poggio；　on　the　other　hand；　in　a　work　written　in　　his　old　age；　is　to　represent　the　world　as　a　vale　of　tears；　and　to　fix　　the　happiness　of　various　classes　as　low　as　possible。　This　tone　became　　in　future　the　prevalent　one。　Distinguished　men　drew　up　a　debit　and　　credit　of　the　happiness　and　unhappiness　of　their　lives；　and　generally　　found　that　the　latter　outweighed　the　former。　The　fate　of　Italy　and　the　　Italians；　so　far　as　it　could　be　told　in　the　year　1510；　has　been　　described　with　dignity　and　almost　elegiac　pathos　by　Tristan　Caracciolo。　　Applying　this　general　tone　of　feeling　to　the　humanists　themselves；　　Pierio　Valeriano　afterwards　composed　his　famous　treatise。　Some　of　these　　themes；　such　as　the　fortunes　of　Leo　X；　were　most　suggestive。　All　the　　good　that　can　be　said　of　him　politically　has　been　briefly　and　admirably　　summed　up　by　Francesco　Vettori；　the　picture　of　Leo's　pleasures　is　given　　by　Paolo　Giovio　and　in　the　anonymous　biography；　and　the　shadows　which　　attended　his　prosperity　are　drawn　with　inexorable　truth　by　the　same　　Pierio　Valeriano。
  We　cannot；　on　the　other　hand；　read　without　a　kind　of　awe　how　men　　sometimes　boasted　of　their　fortune　in　public　inscriptions。　Giovanni　II　　Bentivoglio；　ruler　of　Bologna；　ventured　to　carve　in　stone　on　the　newly　　built　tower　by　his　palace　that　his　merit　and　his　fortune　had　given　him　　richly　of　all　that　could　be　desiredand　this　a　few　years　before　his　　expulsion。　The　ancients；　when　they　spoke　in　this　tone；　had　nevertheless　　a　sense　of　the　envy　of　the　gods。　In　Italy　it　was　probably　the　　Condottieri　who　first　ventured　to　boast　so　loudly　of　their　fortune。　But　　the　way　in　which　resuscitated　antiquity　affected　religion　most　　powerfully；　was　not　through　any　doctrines　or　philosophical　system；　but　　through　a　general　tendency　which　it　fostered。　The　men；　and　in　some　　respects　the　institutions；　of　antiquity　were　preferred　to　those　of　the　　Middle　Ages；　and　in　the　eager　attempt　to　imitate　and　reproduce　them；　　religion　was　left　to　take　care　of　itself。　All　was　absorbed　in　the　　admiration　for　historical　greatness。　To　this　the　philologians　added　　many　special　follies　of　their　own；　by　which　they　became　the　mark　for　　general　attention。　How　far　Paul　II　was　justified　in　calling　his　　Abbreviators　and　their　friends　to　account　for　their　paganism；　is　　certainly　a　matter　of　great　doubt；　as　his　biographer　and　chief　victim；　　Platina；　has　shown　a　masterly　skill　in　explaining　his　vindictiveness　on　　other　grounds；　and　especially　in　making　him　play　a　ludicrous　figure。　　The　charges　of　infidelity；　paganism；　denial　of　immortality；　and　so　　forth；　were　not　made　against　the　accused　till　the　charge　of　high　　treason　had　broken　down。　Paul；　indeed；　if　we　are　correctly　informed　　about　him；　was　by　no　means　the　man　to　judge　of　intellectual　things。　It　　was　he　who　exhorted　the　Romans　to　teach　their　children　nothing　beyond　　reading　and　writing。　His　priestly　narrowness　of　views　reminds　us　of　　Savonarola；　with　the　difference　that　Paul　might　fairly　have　been　told　　that　he　and　his　like　were　in　great　part　to　blame　if　culture　made　men　　hostile　to　religion。　It　cannot；　nevertheless；　be　doubted　that　he　felt　a　　real　anxiety　about　the　pagan　tendencies　which　surrounded　him。　And　what；　　in　truth；　may　not　the　humanists　have　allowed　themselves　at　the　court　of　　the　profligate　pagan；　Sigismondo　Malatesta；　How　far　these　men；　　destitute　for　the　most　part　of　fixed　principle；　ventured　to　go；　　depended　assuredly　on　the　sort　of　influences　they　were　exposed　to。　Nor　　could　they　treat　of　Christianity　without　paganizing　it。　It　is　curious；　　for　instance；　to　notice　how　far　Gioviano　Pontano　carried　this　　confusion。　He　speaks　of　a　saint　not　only　as　'divus；'　but　as　'deus'；　the　　angels　he　holds　to　be　identical　with　the　genii　of　antiquity；　and　his　　notion　of　immortality　reminds　us　of　the　old　kingdom　of　the　shades。　This　　spirit　occasionally　appears　in　the　most　extravagant　shapes。　In　1526；　　when　Siena　was　attacked　by　the　exiled　party；　the　worthy　Canon　Tizio；　　who　tells　us　the　story　himself；　rose　from　his　bed　on　the　22nd　of　July；　　called　to　mind　what　is　written　in　the　third　book　of　Macrobius；　　celebrated　Mass；　and　then　pronounced　against　the　enemy　the　curse　with　　which　his　author　had　supplied　him；　only　altering　'Tellus　mater　teque　　Jupiter　obtestor'　into　'Tellus　teque　Christe　Deus　obtestor。'　After　he　　had　done　this　for　three　days；　the　enemy　retreated。　On　the　one　side；　　these　things　strike　us　as　an　affair　of　mere　style　and　fashion　j　on　the　　other；　as　a　symptom　of　religious　decadence。
  Influence　of　Ancient　Superstition
  But　in　another　way；　and　that　dogmatically；　antiquity　exercised　perilous　　influence。　It　imparted　to　the　Renaissance　its　own　forms　of　　superstition。　Some　fragments　of　this　had　survived　in　Italy　all　through　　the　Middle　Ages；　and　the　resuscitation　of　the　whole　was　thereby　made　so　　much　the　more　easy。　The　part　played　by　the　imagination　in　the　process　　need　not　be　dwelt　upon。　This　only　could　have　silenced　the　critical　　intellect　of　the　Italians。
  The　belief　in　a　Divine　government　of　the　world　was　in　many　minds　　destroyed　by　the　spectacle　of　so　much　injustice　and　misery。　Others；　　like　Dante；　surrendered　at　all　events　this　life　to　the　caprices　of　　chance；　and　if　they　nevertheless　retained　a　sturdy　faith；　it　was　　because　they　held　that　the　higher　destiny　of　man　would　be　accomplished　　in　the　life　to　come。　But　when　the　belief　in　immortality　began　to　waver；　　then　Fatalism　got　the　upper　hand；　or　sometimes　the　latter　came　first　　and　had　the　former　as　its　consequence。
  The　gap　thus　opened　was　in　the　first　place　filled　by　the　astrology　of　　antiquity；　or　even　of　the　Arabs。　From　the　relation　of　the　planets　among　　themselves　and　to　the　signs　of　the　zodiac。　future　events　and　the　course　　of　whole　lives　were　inferred；　and　the　most　weighty　decisions　were　taken　　in　consequence。　In　many　cases　the　line　of　action　thus　adopted　at　the　　suggestion　of　the　stars　may　not　have　been　more　immoral　than　that　which　　would　otherwise　have　been　followed。　But　too　often　the　decision　must　　have　been　made　at　the　cost　of　honour　and　conscience。　It　is　profoundly　　instructive　to　observe　how　powerless　culture　and　enlightenment　were　　against　this　delusion；　since　the　latter　had　its　support　in　the　ardent　　imagination　of　the　people；　in　the　passionate　wish　to　penetrate　and　　determine　the　future。　Antiquity；　too；　was　on　the　side　of　astrology。
  At　the　beginning　of　the　thirteenth　century　this　superstition　suddenly　　appeared　in　the　foreground　of　Italian　life。　The　Emperor　Frederick　II　　always　travelled　with　his　astrologer　Theodorus；　and　Ezzelino　da　Romano　　with　a　large；　well…paid　court　of　such　people；　among　them　the　famous　　Guido　Bonatto　and　the　long…bearded　Saracen；　Paul　of　Baghdad。　In　all　　important　undertakings　they　fixed　for　him　the　day　a