The　relation　of　the　various　peoples　of　the　earth　to　the　supreme　　interests　of　life；　to　God；　virtue；　and　immortality；　may　be　investigated　　up　to　a　certain　point；　but　can　never　be　compared　to　one　another　with　　absolute　strictness　and　certainty。　The　more　plainly　in　these　matters　　our　evidence　seems　to　speak；　the　more　carefully　must　we　refrain　from　　unqualified　assumptions　and　rash　generalizations。
  This　remark　is　especially　true　with　regard　to　our　judgement　on　　questions　of　morality。　It　may　be　possible　to　indicate　many　contrasts　　and　shades　of　difference　among　different　nations；　but　to　strike　the　　balance　of　the　whole　is　not　given　to　human　insight。　The　ultimate　truth　　with　respect　to　the　character；　the　conscience；　and　the　guilt　of　a　　people　remains　for　ever　a　secret；　if　only　for　the　reason　that　its　　defects　have　another　side；　where　they　reappear　as　peculiarities　or　even　　as　virtues。　We　must　leave　those　who　find　pleasure　in　passing　sweeping　　censures　on　whole　nations；　to　do　so　as　they　like。　The　people　of　Europe　　can　maltreat；　but　happily　not　judge　one　another。　A　great　nation；　　interwoven　by　its　civilization；　its　achievements；　and　its　fortunes　with　　the　whole　life　of　the　modern　world；　can　afford　to　ignore　both　its　　advocates　and　its　accusers。　It　lives　on　with　or　without　the　approval　of　　theorists。
  Accordingly；　what　here　follows　is　no　judgement；　but　rather　a　string　of　　marginal　notes；　suggested　by　a　study　of　the　Italian　Renaissance　　extending　over　some　years。　The　value　to　be　attached　to　them　is　all　the　　more　qualified　as　they　mostly　touch　on　the　life　of　the　upper　classes；　　with　respect　to　which　we　are　far　better　informed　in　Italy　than　in　any　　other　country　in　Europe　at　that　period。　But　though　both　fame　and　infamy　　sound　louder　here　than　elsewhere；　we　are　not　helped　thereby　in　forming　　an　adequate　moral　estimate　of　the　people。
  What　eye　can　pierce　the　depths　in　which　the　character　and　fate　of　　nations　are　determined？in　which　that　which　is　inborn　and　that　which　　has　been　experienced　combine　to　form　a　new　whole　and　a　fresh　nature？　in　which　even　those　intellectual　capacities　which　at　first　sight　we　　should　take　to　be　most　original　are　in　fact　evolved　late　and　slowly？　　Who　can　tell　if　the　Italian　before　the　thirteenth　century　possessed　　that　flexible　activity　and　certainty　in　his　whole　beingthat　play　of　　power　in　shaping　whatever　subject　he　dealt　with　in　word　or　in　form；　　which　was　peculiar　to　him　later？　And　if　no　answer　can　be　found　to　these　　questions；　how　can　we　possibly　judge　of　the　infinite　and　infinitely　　intricate　channels　through　which　character　and　intellect　are　　incessantly　pouring　their　influence　one　upon　the　other。　A　tribunal　　there　is　for　each　one　of　us；　whose　voice　is　our　conscience；　but　let　us　　have　done　with　these　generalities　about　nations。　For　the　people　that　　seems　to　be　most　sick　the　cure　may　be　at　hand；　and　one　that　appears　to　　be　healthy　may　bear　within　it　the　ripening　germs　of　death；　which　the　　hour　of　danger　will　bring　forth　from　their　hiding…place。
  Morality　and　Immorality
  At　the　beginning　of　the　sixteenth　century；　when　the　civilization　of　the　　Renaissance　had　reached　its　highest　pitch；　and　at　the　same　time　the　　political　ruin　of　the　nation　seemed　inevitable；　there　were　not　wanting　　serious　thinkers　who　saw　a　connexion　between　this　ruin　and　the　　prevalent　immorality。　It　was　not　one　。of　those　methodistical　moralists　　who　in　every　age　think　themselves　called　to　declaim　against　the　　wickedness　of　the　time；　but　it　was　Machiavelli；　who；　in　one　of　his　　best…considered　works；　said　openly：　'We　Italians　are　irreligious　and　　corrupt　above　others。'　Another　man　would　perhaps　have　said；　'We　are　　individually　highly　developed；　we　have　outgrown　the　limits　of　morality　　and　religion　which　were　natural　to　us　in　our　undeveloped　state；　and　we　　despise　outward　law；　because　our　rulers　are　illegitimate；　and　their　　judges　and　officers　wicked　men。'　Machiavelli　adds；　'because　the　Church　　and　her　representatives　set　us　the　worst　example。'
  Shall　we　add　also；　'because　the　influence　exercised　by　antiquity　was　in　　this　respect　unfavorable'？　The　statement　can　only　be　received　with　many　　qualifications。　It　may　possibly　be　true　of　the　humanists；　especially　as　　regards　the　profligacy　of　their　lives。　Of　the　rest　it　may　perhaps　be　　said　with　some　approach　to　accuracy　that；　after　they　became　familiar　　with　antiquity；　they　substituted　for　holinessthe　Christian　ideal　of　　lifethe　cult　of　historical　greatness。　We　can　understand；　therefore；　　how　easily　they　would　be　tempted　to　consider　those　faults　and　vices　to　　be　matters　of　indifference；　in　spite　of　which　their　heroes　were　great。　　They　were　probably　scarcely　conscious　of　this　themselves；　for　if　we　are　　summoned　to　quote　any　statement　of　doctrine　on　this　subject；　we　are　　again　forced　to　appeal　to　humanists　like　Paolo　Giovio；　who　excuses　the　　perjury　of　Giangaleazzo　Visconti；　through　which　he　was　enabled　to　found　　an　empire；　by　the　example　of　Julius　Caesar。　The　great　Florentine　　historians　and　statesmen　never　stoop　to　these　slavish　quotations；　and　　what　seems　antique　in　their　deeds　and　their　judgements　is　so　because　　the　nature　of　their　political　life　necessarily　fostered　in　them　a　mode　　of　thought　which　has　some　analogy　with　that　of　antiquity。
  Nevertheless；　it　cannot　be　denied　that　Italy　at　the　beginning　of　the　　sixteenth　century　found　itself　in　the　midst　of　a　grave　moral　crisis；　　out　of　which　the　best　men　saw　hardly　any　escape。
  Let　us　begin　by　saying　a　few　words　about　that　moral　force　which　was　　then　the　strongest　bulwark　against　evil。　The　highly　gifted　man　of　that　　day　thought　to　find　it　in　the　sentiment　of　honour。　This　is　that　　enigmatic　mixture　of　conscience　and　egotism　which　often　survives　in　the　　modern　man　after　he　has　lost；　whether　by　his　own　fault　or　not；　faith；　　love；　and　hope。　This　sense　of　honour　is　compatible　with　much　　selfishness　and　great　vices；　and　may　be　the　victim　of　astonishing　　illusions；　yet；　nevertheless；　all　the　noble　elements　that　are　left　in　　the　wreck　of　a　character　may　gather　around　it；　and　from　this　fountain　　may　draw　new　strength。　It　has　become；　in　a　far　wider　sense　than　is　　commonly　believed；　a　decisive　test　of　conduct　in　the　minds　of　the　　cultivated　Europeans　of　our　own　day；　and　many　of　those　who　yet　hold　　faithfully　by　religion　and　morality　are　unconsciously　guided　by　this　　feeling　in　the　gravest　decisions　of　their　lives。
  It　lies　without　the　limits　of　our　task　to　show　how　the　men　of　antiquity　　also　experienced　this　feeling　in　a　peculiar　form；　and　how；　afterwards；　　in　the　Middle　Ages；　a　special　sense　of　honour　became　the　mark　of　a　　particular　class。　Nor　can　we　here　dispute　with　those　who　hold　that　　conscience；　rather　than　honour；　is　the　motive　power。　It　would　indeed　be　　better　and　nobler　if　it　were　so；　but　since　it　must　be　granted　that　even　　our　worthier　resolutions　result　from　'a　conscience　more　or　less　dimmed　　by　selfishness；'　it　is　better　to　call　the　mixture　by　its　right　name。　It　　is　certainly　not　always　easy；　in　treating　of　the　Italian　of　this　　period；　to　distinguish　this　sense　of　honour　from　the　passion　for　fame；　　into　which；　indeed；　it　easily　passes。　Yet　the　two　sentiments　are　　essentially　different。
  There　is　no　lack　of　witnesses　on　this　subject。　One　who　speaks　plainly　　may　here　be　quoted　as　a　representative　of　the　rest。　We　read　in　the　　recently　published　'Aphorisms'　of　Guicciardini：　'who　esteems　honour　　highly　succeeds　in　all　that　he　undertakes；　since　he　fears　neither　　trouble；　danger；　nor　expense；　I　have　found　it　so　in　my　own　case；　and　　may　say　it　and　write　it；　vain　and　dead　are　the　deeds　of　men　which　have　　not　this　as　their　motive。'　It　is　necessary　to　add　that；　from　what　is　　known　of　the　life　of　the　writer；　he　can　here　be　only　speaking　of　honour　　and　not　of　fame。　Rabelais　has　put　the　matter　more　clearly　than　perhaps　　any　Italian。　We　quote　him；　indeed；　unwillingly　in　these　pages。　What　the　　great；　baroque　Frenchman　gives　us　is　a　picture　of　what　the　Renaissance　　would　be　without　form　and　without　beauty。　But　his　description　of　an　　ideal　state　of　things　in　the　Thelemite　monastery　is　decisive　as　　historical　evidence。　In　speaking　of　his　gentlemen　and　ladies　of　the　　Order　of　Free　Will；　he　tells　us　as　follows：
  'En　leur　reigle　n'estoit　que　ceste　clause：　Fay　ce　que　vouldras。　Parce　　que　gens　liberes；　bien　nayz；　bien　instruictz；　conversans　en　compaignies　　honnestes；　ont　par　nature　ung　instinct　et　aguillon　qui　tousjours　les　　poulse　。。。　faictz　tueux；　et　retire　de　vice：　lequel　ilz　nommoyent　　honneur。'
  This　is　that　same　faith　in　the　goodness　of　human　nature　which　inspired　　the　men　of　the　second　half　of　the　eighteenth　century；　and　helped　to　　prepare　the　way　for　the　French　Revolution。　Among　the　Italians；　too；　　each　man　appeals　to　this　noble　instinct　within　him；　and　though　with　　regard　to　the　people　as　a　wholechiefly　in　consequence　of　the　national　　disasters　judgements　of　a　more　pessimistic　sort　became　prevalent；　the　　importance　of　this　sense　of　honour　must　still　be　rated　highly。　If　the　　boundless　development　of　individuality；　stronger　than　the　will　of　the　　individual；　be　the　work　of　a　historical　providence；　not　less　so　is　the　　opposing　force　which　then　manifested　itself　in　Italy。　How　often；　and　　against　what　passionate　attacks　of　selfishness　it　won　the　day；　we