of　a　　French　army。
  Thoughtful　men；　indeed；　foresaw　the　foreign　conquest　long　before　the　　expedition　of　Charles　VIII。　And　when　Charles　was　back　again　on　the　　other　side　of　the　Alps；　it　was　plain　to　every　eye　that　an　era　of　　intervention　had　begun。　Misfortune　now　followed　on　misfortune；　it　was　　understood　too　late　that　France　and　Spain；　the　two　chief　invaders；　had　　become　great　European　powers；　that　they　would　be　no　longer　satisfied　　with　verbal　homage；　but　would　fight　to　the　death　for　influence　and　　territory　in　Italy。　They　had　begun　to　resemble　the　centralized　Italian　　States；　and　indeed　to　copy　them；　only　on　a　gigantic　scale。　Schemes　of　　annexation　or　exchange　of　territory　were　for　a　time　indefinitely　　multiplied。　The　end；　as　is　well　known；　was　the　complete　victory　of　　Spain；　which；　as　sword　and　shield　of　the　counter…reformation；　long　held　　Papacy　among　its　other　subjects。　The　melancholy　reflections　of　the　　philosophers　could　only　show　them　how　those　who　had　called　in　the　　barbarians　all　came　to　a　bad　end。
  Alliances　were　at　the　same　time　formed　with　the　Turks　too；　with　as　　little　scruple　or　disguise；　they　were　reckoned　no　worse　than　any　other　　political　expedients。　The　belief　in　the　unity　of　Western　Christendom　　had　at　various　times　in　the　course　of　the　Crusades　been　seriously　　shaken；　and　Frederick　II　had　probably　outgrown　it。　But　the　fresh　　advance　of　the　Oriental　nations；　the　need　and　the　ruin　of　the　Greek　　Empire；　had　revived　the　old　feeling；　though　not　in　its　former　strength；　　throughout　Western　Europe。　Italy；　however；　was　a　striking　exception　to　　this　rule。　Great　as　was　the　terror　felt　for　the　Turks；　and　the　actual　　danger　from　them；　there　was　yet　scarcely　a　government　of　any　　consequence　which　did　not　conspire　against　other　Italian　States　with　　Mohammed　II　and　his　successors。　And　when　they　did　not　do　so；　they　still　　had　the　credit　of　it；　nor　was　it　worse　than　the　sending　of　emissaries　　to　poison　the　cisterns　of　Venice；　which　was　the　charge　brought　against　　the　heirs　of　Alfonso；　King　of　Naples。　From　a　scoundrel　like　Sigismondo　　Malatesta　nothing　better　could　be　expected　than　that　he　should　call　the　　Turks　into　Italy。　But　the　Aragonese　monarchs　of　Naples；　from　whom　　Mohammedat　the　instigation；　we　read；　of　other　Italian　governments；　　especially　of　Venicehad　once　wrested　Otranto　（1480）；　afterwards　　hounded　on　the　Sultan　Bajazet　II　against　the　Venetians。　The　same　charge　　was　brought　against　Lodovico　il　Moro。　'The　blood　of　the　slain；　and　the　　misery　of　the　prisoners　in　the　hands　of　the　Turks；　cry　to　God　for　　vengeance　against　him；'　says　the　State　historian。　In　Venice；　where　the　　government　was　informed　of　everything；　it　was　known　that　Giovanni　　Sforza；　ruler　of　Pesaro；　the　cousin　of　Lodovico；　had　entertained　the　　Turkish　ambassadors　on　their　way　to　Milan。　The　two　most　respectable　　among　the　Popes　of　the　fifteenth　century；　Nicholas　V　and　Pius　II；　died　　in　the　deepest　grief　at　the　progress　of　the　Turks；　the　latter　indeed　　amid　the　preparations　for　a　crusade　which　he　was　hoping　to　lead　in　　person；　their　successors　embezzled　the　contributions　sent　for　this　　purpose　from　all　parts　of　Christendom；　and　degraded　the　indulgences　　granted　in　return　for　them　into　a　private　commercial　speculation。　　Innocent　VIII　consented　to　be　gaoler　to　the　fugitive　Prince　Djem；　for　a　　salary　paid　by　the　prisoner's　brother　Bajazet　II；　and　Alexander　VI　　supported　the　steps　taken　by　Lodovico　il　Moro　in　Constantinople　to　　further　a　Turkish　assault　upon　Venice　（1498）；　whereupon　the　latter　　threatened　him　with　a　Council。　It　is　clear　that　the　notorious　alliance　　between　Francis　I　and　Soliman　II　was　nothing　new　or　unheard　of。
  Indeed；　we　find　instances　of　whole　populations　to　whom　it　seemed　no　　particular　crime　to　go　over　bodily　to　the　Turks。　Even　if　it　were　held　　out　as　a　threat　to　oppressive　governments；　this　is　at　least　a　proof　　that　the　idea　had　become　familiar。　As　early　as　1480　Battista　Mantovano　　gives　us　clearly　to　understand　that　most　of　the　inhabitants　of　the　　Adriatic　coast　foresaw　something　o　f　this　kind；　and　that　Ancona　in　　particular　desired　it。　When　Romagna　was　suffering　from　the　oppressive　　government　of　Leo　X；　a　deputy　from　Ravenna　said　openly　to　the　Legate；　　Cardinal　Giulio　Medici：　'Monsignore；　the　honorable　Republic　of　Venice　　will　not　have　us；　for　fear　of　a　dispute　with　the　Holy　See；　but　if　the　　Turk　comes　to　Ragusa　we　will　put　ourselves　into　his　hands。'
  It　was　a　poor　but　not　wholly　groundless　consolation　for　the　enslavement　　of　Italy　then　begun　by　the　Spaniards；　that　the　country　was　at　least　　secured　from　the　relapse　into　barbarism　which　would　have　awaited　it　　under　the　Turkish　rule。　By　itself；　divided　as　it　was；　it　could　hardly　　have　escaped　this　fate。
  If；　with　all　these　drawbacks；　the　Italian　statesmanship　of　this　period　　deserves　our　praise；　it　is　only　on　the　ground　of　its　practical　and　　unprejudiced　treatment　of　those　questions　which　were　not　affected　by　　fear；　passion；　or　malice。　Here　was　no　feudal　system　after　the　northern　　fashion；　with　its　artificial　scheme　of　rights；　but　the　power　which　each　　possessed　he　held　in　practice　as　in　theory。　Here　was　no　attendant　　nobility　to　foster　in　the　mind　of　the　prince　the　mediaeval　sense　of　　honour　with　all　its　strange　consequences；　but　princes　and　counsellors　　were　agreed　in　acting　according　to　the　exigencies　of　the　particular　　case　and　to　the　end　they　had　in　view。　Towards　the　men　whose　services　　were　used　and　towards　allies；　come　from　what　quarter　they　might；　no　　pride　of　caste　was　felt　which　could　possibly　estrange　a　supporter；　and　　the　class　of　the　Condottieri；　in　which　birth　was　a　matter　of　　indifference；　shows　clearly　enough　in　what　sort　of　hands　the　real　power　　lay；　and　lastly；　the　government；　in　the　hands　of　an　enlightened　despot；　　had　an　incomparably　more　accurate　acquaintance　with　its　own　country　and　　with　that　of　its　neighbors　than　was　possessed　by　northern　　contemporaries；　and　estimated　the　economical　and　moral　capacities　of　　friend　and　foe　down　to　the　smallest　particular。　The　rulers　were；　　notwithstanding　grave　errors；　born　masters　of　statistical　science。　With　　such　men　negotiation　was　possible；　it　might　be　presumed　that　they　would　　be　convinced　and　their　opinion　modified　when　practical　reasons　were　　laid　before　them。　When　the　great　Alfonso　of　Naples　was　（1434）　a　　prisoner　of　Filippo　Maria　Visconti；　he　was　able　to　satisfy　his　gaoler　　that　the　rule　of　the　House　of　Anjou　instead　of　his　own　at　Naples　would　　make　the　French　masters　of　Italy；　Filippo　Maria　set　him　free　without　　ransom　and　made　an　alliance　with　him。　A　northern　prince　would　scarcely　　have　acted　in　the　same　way；　certainly　not　one　whose　morality　in　other　　respects　was　like　that　of　Visconti。　What　confidence　was　felt　in　the　　power　of　self…interest　is　shown　by　the　celebrated　visit　（1478）　which　　Lorenzo　Magnifico；　to　the　universal　astonishment　of　the　Florentines；　　paid　the　faithless　Ferrante　at　Naplesa　man　who　would　certainly　be　　tempted　to　keep　him　a　prisoner；　and　was　by　no　means　too　scrupulous　to　　do　so。　For　to　arrest　a　powerful　monarch；　and　then　to　let　him　go　alive；　　after　extorting　his　signature　and　otherwise　insulting　him；　as　Charles　　the　Bold　did　to　Louis　XI　at　Peronne　（1468）；　seemed　madness　to　the　　Italians；　so　that　Lorenzo　was　expected　to　come　back　covered　with　glory；　　or　else　not　to　come　back　at　all。　The　art　of　political　persuasion　was　at　　this　time　raised　to　a　pointespecially　by　the　Venetian　ambassadors　of　　which　northern　nations　first　obtained　a　conception　from　the　Italians；　　and　of　which　the　official　addresses　give　a　most　imperfect　idea。　These　　are　mere　pieces　of　humanistic　rhetoric。　Nor；　in　spite　of　an　otherwise　　ceremonious　etiquette　was　there　in　case　of　need　any　lack　of　rough　and　　frank　speaking　in　diplomatic　intercourse。　A　man　like　Machiavelli　　appears　in　his　'Legazioni'　in　an　almost　pathetic　light。　Furnished　with　　scanty　instructions；　shabbily　equipped；　and　treated　as　an　agent　of　　inferior　rank；　he　never　loses　his　gift　of　free　and　wide　observation　or　　his　pleasure　in　picturesque　description。
  A　special　division　of　this　work　will　treat　of　the　study　of　man　　individually　and　nationally；　which　among　the　Italians　went　hand　in　hand　　with　the　study　of　the　outward　conditions　of　human　life。
  War　as　a　Work　of　Art
  It　must　here　be　briefly　indicated　by　what　steps　the　art　of　war　assumed　　the　character　of　a　product　of　reflection。　Throughout　the　countries　of　　the　West　the　education　of　the　individual　soldier　in　the　Middle　Ages　was　　perfect　within　the　limits　of　the　then　prevalent　system　of　defence　and　　attack：　nor　was　there　any　want　of　ingenious　inventors　in　the　arts　of　　besieging　and　of　fortification。　But　the　development　both　of　strategy　　and　of　tactics　was　hindered　by　the　character　and　duration　of　military　　service；　and　by　the　ambition　of　the　nobles；　who　disputed　questions　of　　precedence　in　the　face　of　the　enemy；　and　through　simple　want　of　　discipline　caused　the　loss　of　great　battles　like　Crecy　and　Maupertuis。　　Italy；　on　the　contrary；　was　the　first　country　to　adopt　the　system　of　　mercenary　troops；　which　demanded　a　wholly　different　organization；　and　　the　early　intro…　duction　of　firearms　did　its　part　in　making　war　a　　democratic　pursuit；　not　only　because　the　strongest　castles　were　unable　　to　withstand　a　bombardment；　but　be