第 11 节
作者:九十八度      更新:2021-02-20 05:40      字数:9322
  As to the imitation of antiquity; the influence of which on moral; and  more especially on political; questions we shall often refer to; the  example was set by the rulers themselves; who; both in their conception  of the State and in their personal conduct; took t he old Roman empire  avowedly as their model。 In like manner their opponents; when they set  to work with a deliberate theory; took pattern by the ancient  tyrannicides。 It may be hard to prove that in the main point in forming  the resolve itself they consciously followed a classical example; but  the appeal to antiquity was no mere phrase。 The most striking  disclosures have been left us with respect to the murderers of Galeazzo  Sforza; Lampugnani; Olgiati; and Visconti。 Though all three had  personal ends to serve; yet their enterprise may be partly ascribed to  a more general reason。 About this time Cola de' Montani; a humanist and  professor of eloquence; had awakened among many of the young Milanese  nobility a vague passion for glory and patriotic achievements; and had  mentioned to Lampugnani and Olgiati his hope of delivering Milan。  Suspicion was soon aroused against him: he was banished from the city;  and his pupils were abandoned to the fanaticism he had excited。 Some  ten days before the deed they met together and took a solemn oath in  the monastery of Sant' Ambrogio。 'Then;' says Olgiati; 'in a remote  corner I raised my eyes before the picture of the patron saint; and  implored his help for ourselves and for all h* people。' The heavenly  protector of the city was called on to bless the undertaking; as was  afterwards St。 Stephen; in whose church it was fulfilled。 Many of their  comrades were now informed of the plot; nightly meetings were held in  the house of Lampugnani; and the conspirators practiced for the murder  with the sheaths of their daggers。 The attempt was successful; but  Lampugnani was killed on the spot by the attendants of the duke; the  others were captured: Visconti was penitent; but Olgiati through all  his tortures maintained that the deed was an acceptable offering to  God; and exclaimed while the executioner was breaking his ribs;  'Courage; Girolamo! thou wilt long be remembered; death is bitter; but  glory is eternal。'
  But however idealistic the object and purpose of such conspiracies may  appear; the manner in which they were conducted betrays the influence  of that worst of all conspirators; Catiline; a man in whose thoughts  freedom had no place whatever。 The annals of Siena tell us expressly  that the conspirators were students of Sallust; and the fact is  indirectly confirmed by the confession of Olgiati。 Elsewhere; too; we  meet with the name of Catiline; and a more attractive pattern of the  conspirator; apart from the end he followed; could hardly be  discovered。
  Among the Florentines; whenever they got rid of; or tried to get rid  of; the Medici; tyrannicide was a practice universally accepted and  approved。 After the flight of the Medici in 1494; the bronze group of  Donatello Judith with the dead Holofernes was taken from their  collection and placed before the Palazzo della Signoria; on the spot  where the 'David' of Michelangelo now stands; with the inscription;  'Exemplum salutis publicae cives posuere 1495。 No example was more  popular than that of the younger Brutus; who; in Dante; lies with  Cassius and Judas Iscariot in the lowest pit of hell; because of his  treason to the empire。 Pietro Paolo Boscoli; whose plot against  Giuliano; Giovanni; and Giulio Medici failed (1513); was an  enthusiastic admirer of Brutus; and in order to follow his steps; only  waited to find a Cassius。 Such a partner he met with in Agostino  Capponi。 His last utterances in prison a striking evidence of the  religious feeling of the time show with what an effort he rid his mind  of these classical imaginations; in order to die like a Christian。 A  friend and the confessor both had to assure him that St。 Thomas Aquinas  condemned conspirators absolutely; but the confessor afterwards  admitted to the same friend that St。 Thomas drew a distinction and  permitted conspiracies against a tyrant who bad forced himself on a  people against their will。
  After Lorenzino Medici had murdered the Duke Alessandro (1537); and  then escaped; an apology for the deed appeared;8 which is probably his  own work; and certainly composed in his interest; and in which he  praises tyrannicide as an act of the highest merit; on the supposition  that Alessandro was a legitimate Medici; and; therefore; related to  him; if only distantly; he boldly compares himself with Timoleon; who  slew his brother for his country's sake。 Others; on the same occasion;  made use of the comparison with Brutus; and that Michelangelo himself;  even late in life; was not unfriendly to ideas of this kind; may be  inferred from his bust of Brutus in the Bargello。 He left it  unfinished; like nearly all his works; but certainly not because the  murder of Caesar was repugnant to his feeling; as the couplet beneath  declares。
  A popular radicalism in the form in which it is opposed to the  monarchies of later times; is not to be found in the despotic States of  the Renaissance。 Each individual protested inwardly against despotism  but was disposed to make tolerable or profitable terms with it rather  than to combine with others for its destruction。 Things must have been  as bad as at Camerino; Fabriano; or Rimini; before the citizens united  to destroy or expel the ruling house。 They knew in most cases only too  well that this would but mean a change of masters。 The star of the  Republics was certainly on the decline。
  The Republics: Venice and Florence
  The Italian municipalities had; in earlier days; given signal proof of  that force which transforms the city into the State。 It remained only  that these cities should combine in a great confederation; and this  idea was constantly recurring to Italian statesmen; whatever  differences of form it might from time to time display。 In fact; during  the struggles of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries; great and  formidable leagues actually were formed by the cities; and Sismondi is  of opinion that the time of the final armaments of the Lombard  confederation against Barbarossa (from 1168 on) was the moment when a  universal Italian league was possible。 But the more powerful States had  already developed characteristic features which made any such scheme  impracticable。 In their commercial dealings they shrank from no  measures; however extreme; which might damage their competitors; they  held their weaker neighbors in a condition of helpless dependence in  short; they each fancied they could get on by themselves without the  assistance of the r est; and thus paved the way for future usurpation。  The usurper was forthcoming when long conflicts between the nobility  and the people; and between the different factions of the nobility; had  awakened the desire for a strong government; and when bands of  mercenaries ready and willing to sell their aid to the highest bidder  had superseded the general levy of the citizens which party leaders now  found unsuited to their purposes。 The tyrants destroyed the freedom of  most of the cities; here and there they were expelled; but not  thoroughly; or only for a short time; and they were always restored;  since the inward conditions were favourable to them; and the opposing  forces were exhausted。
  Among the cities which maintained their independence are two of deep  significance for the history of the human race: Florence; the city of  incessant movement; which has left us a record of the thoughts and  aspirations of each and all who; for three centuries; took part in this  movement; and Venice; the city of apparent stagnation and of political  secrecy。 No contrast can be imagined stronger than that which is  offered us by these two; and neither can be compared to anything else  which the world has hitherto produced。
  Venice recognized itself from the first as a strange and mysterious  creation the fruit of a higher power than human ingenuity。 The solemn  foundation of the city was the subject of a legend: on March 25; 1413;  at midday; emigrants from Padua laid the first stone at the Rialto;  that they might have a sacred; inviolable asylum amid the devastations  of the barbarians。 Later writers attributed to the founders the  presentiment of the future greatness of the city; M。 Antonio Sabellico;  t who has celebrated the event in the dignified flow of his hexameters;  makes the priest who completes the act of consecration cry to heaven;  'When we hereafter attempt great things; S grant us prosperity! Now we  kneel before a poor altar; but if ' our vows are not made in vain; a  hundred temples; O God; of 6 gold a nd marble shall arise to Thee。' The  island city at the end '' of the fifteenth century was the jewel…casket  of the world。 It ; is so described by the same Sabellico; with its  ancient cupolas; ' its leaning towers; its inlaid marble facades; its  compressed k splendor; where the richest decoration did not hinder the  y practical employment of every corner of space。 He takes us to the  crowded Piazza before San Giacometto at the Rialto; where the business  of the world is