1859
  ON　LIBERTY
  by　John　Stuart　Mill
  DEDICATION
  The　grand；　leading　principle；　towards　which　every　argument
  unfolded　in　these　pages　directly　converges；　is　the　absolute　and
  essential　importance　of　human　development　in　its　richest　diversity。
  WILHELM　VON　HUMBOLDT：　Sphere　and　Duties　of　Government。
  TO　the　beloved　and　deplored　memory　of　her　who　was　the　inspirer；
  and　in　part　the　author；　of　all　that　is　best　in　my　writings…　the
  friend　and　wife　whose　exalted　sense　of　truth　and　right　was　my
  strongest　incitement；　and　whose　approbation　was　my　chief　reward…　I
  dedicate　this　volume。　Like　all　that　I　have　written　for　many　years；
  it　belongs　as　much　to　her　as　to　me；　but　the　work　as　it　stands　has　had；
  in　a　very　insufficient　degree；　the　inestimable　advantage　of　her
  revision；　some　of　the　most　important　portions　having　been　reserved　for
  a　more　careful　re…examination；　which　they　are　now　never　destined　to
  receive。　Were　I　but　capable　of　interpreting　to　the　world　one　half
  the　great　thoughts　and　noble　feelings　which　are　buried　in　her　grave；　I
  should　be　the　medium　of　a　greater　benefit　to　it；　than　is　ever　likely
  to　arise　from　anything　that　I　can　write；　unprompted　and　unassisted
  by　her　all　but　unrivalled　wisdom。
  Chapter　1
  Introductory
  THE　SUBJECT　of　this　Essay　is　not　the　so…called　Liberty　of　the
  Will；　so　unfortunately　opposed　to　the　misnamed　doctrine　of
  Philosophical　Necessity；　but　Civil；　or　Social　Liberty：　the　nature
  and　limits　of　the　power　which　can　be　legitimately　exercised　by　society
  over　the　individual。　A　question　seldom　stated；　and　hardly　ever
  discussed；　in　general　terms；　but　which　profoundly　influences　the
  practical　controversies　of　the　age　by　its　latent　presence；　and　is
  likely　soon　to　make　itself　recognised　as　the　vital　question　of　the
  future。　It　is　so　far　from　being　new；　that；　in　a　certain　sense；　it
  has　divided　mankind；　almost　from　the　remotest　ages；　but　in　the　stage
  of　progress　into　which　the　more　civilised　portions　of　the　species　have
  now　entered；　it　presents　itself　under　new　conditions；　and　requires　a
  different　and　more　fundamental　treatment。
  The　struggle　between　Liberty　and　Authority　is　the　most　conspicuous
  feature　in　the　portions　of　history　with　which　we　are　earliest
  familiar；　particularly　in　that　of　Greece；　Rome；　and　England。　But　in
  old　times　this　contest　was　between　subjects；　or　some　classes　of
  subjects；　and　the　Government。　By　liberty；　was　meant　protection　against
  the　tyranny　of　the　political　rulers。　The　rulers　were　conceived　（except
  in　some　of　the　popular　governments　of　Greece）　as　in　a　necessarily
  antagonistic　position　to　the　people　whom　they　ruled。　They　consisted　of
  a　governing　One；　or　a　governing　tribe　or　caste；　who　derived　their
  authority　from　inheritance　or　conquest；　who；　at　all　events；　did　not
  hold　it　at　the　pleasure　of　the　governed；　and　whose　supremacy　men　did
  not　venture；　perhaps　did　not　desire；　to　contest；　whatever
  precautions　might　be　taken　against　its　oppressive　exercise。　Their
  power　was　regarded　as　necessary；　but　also　as　highly　dangerous；　as　a
  weapon　which　they　would　attempt　to　use　against　their　subjects；　no　less
  than　against　external　enemies。　To　prevent　the　weaker　members　of　the
  community　from　being　preyed　upon　by　innumerable　vultures；　it　was
  needful　that　there　should　be　an　animal　of　prey　stronger　than　the　rest；
  commissioned　to　keep　them　down。　But　as　the　king　of　the　vultures
  would　be　no　less　bent　upon　preying　on　the　flock　than　any　of　the
  minor　harpies；　it　was　indispensable　to　be　in　a　perpetual　attitude　of
  defence　against　his　beak　and　claws。　The　aim；　therefore；　of　patriots
  was　to　set　limits　to　the　power　which　the　ruler　should　be　suffered　to
  exercise　over　the　community；　and　this　limitation　was　what　they　meant
  by　liberty。　It　was　attempted　in　two　ways。　First；　by　obtaining　a
  recognition　of　certain　immunities；　called　political　liberties　or
  rights；　which　it　was　to　be　regarded　as　a　breach　of　duty　in　the　ruler
  to　infringe；　and　which　if　he　did　infringe；　specific　resistance；　or
  general　rebellion；　was　held　to　be　justifiable。　A　second；　and　generally
  a　later　expedient；　was　the　establishment　of　constitutional　checks；
  by　which　the　consent　of　the　community；　or　of　a　body　of　some　sort；
  supposed　to　represent　its　interests；　was　made　a　necessary　condition　to
  some　of　the　more　important　acts　of　the　governing　power。　To　the　first
  of　these　modes　of　limitation；　the　ruling　power；　in　most　European
  countries；　was　compelled；　more　or　less；　to　submit。　It　was　not　so
  with　the　second；　and；　to　attain　this；　or　when　already　in　some　degree
  possessed；　to　attain　it　more　completely；　became　everywhere　the
  principal　object　of　the　lovers　of　liberty。　And　so　long　as　mankind　were
  content　to　combat　one　enemy　by　another；　and　to　be　ruled　by　a　master；
  on　condition　of　being　guaranteed　more　or　less　efficaciously　against
  his　tyranny；　they　did　not　carry　their　aspirations　beyond　this　point。
  A　time；　however；　came；　in　the　progress　of　human　affairs；　when　men
  ceased　to　think　it　a　necessity　of　nature　that　their　governors　should
  be　an　independent　power；　opposed　in　interest　to　themselves。　It
  appeared　to　them　much　better　that　the　various　magistrates　of　the　State
  should　be　their　tenants　or　delegates；　revocable　at　their　pleasure。
  In　that　way　alone；　it　seemed；　could　they　have　complete　security　that
  the　powers　of　government　would　never　be　abused　to　their
  disadvantage。　By　degrees　this　new　demand　for　elective　and　temporary
  rulers　became　the　prominent　object　of　the　exertions　of　the　popular
  party；　wherever　any　such　party　existed；　and　superseded；　to　a
  considerable　extent；　the　previous　efforts　to　limit　the　power　of
  rulers。　As　the　struggle　proceeded　for　making　the　ruling　power
  emanate　from　the　periodical　choice　of　the　ruled；　some　persons　began　to
  think　that　too　much　importance　had　been　attached　to　the　limitation
  of　the　power　itself。　That　（it　might　seem）　was　a　resource　against
  rulers　whose　interests　were　habitually　opposed　to　those　of　the　people。
  What　was　now　wanted　was；　that　the　rulers　should　be　identified　with　the
  people；　that　their　interest　and　will　should　be　the　interest　and　will
  of　the　nation。　The　nation　did　not　need　to　be　protected　against　its　own
  will。　There　was　no　fear　of　its　tyrannising　over　itself。　Let　the　rulers
  be　effectually　responsible　to　it；　promptly　removable　by　it；　and　it
  could　afford　to　trust　them　with　power　of　which　it　could　itself　dictate
  the　use　to　be　made。　Their　power　was　but　the　nation's　own　power；
  concentrated；　and　in　a　form　convenient　for　exercise。　This　mode　of
  thought；　or　rather　perhaps　of　feeling；　was　common　among　the　last
  generation　of　European　liberalism；　in　the　Continental　section　of　which
  it　still　apparently　predominates。　Those　who　admit　any　limit　to　what
  a　government　may　do；　except　in　the　case　of　such　governments　as　they
  think　ought　not　to　exist；　stand　out　as　brilliant　exceptions　among
  the　political　thinkers　of　the　Continent。　A　similar　tone　of　sentiment
  might　by　this　time　have　been　prevalent　in　our　own　country；　if　the
  circumstances　which　for　a　time　encouraged　it；　had　continued　unaltered。
  But；　in　political　and　philosophical　theories；　as　well　as　in　persons；
  success　discloses　faults　and　infirmities　which　failure　might　have
  concealed　from　observation。　The　notion；　that　the　people　have　no　need
  to　limit　their　power　over　themselves；　might　seem　axiomatic；　when
  popular　government　was　a　thing　only　dreamed　about；　or　read　of　as
  having　existed　at　some　distant　period　of　the　past。　Neither　was　that
  notion　necessarily　disturbed　by　such　temporary　aberrations　as　those　of
  the　French　Revolution；　the　worst　of　which　were　the　work　of　a
  usurping　few；　and　which；　in　any　case；　belonged；　not　to　the　permanent
  working　of　popular　institutions；　but　to　a　sudden　and　convulsive
  outbreak　against　monarchical　and　aristocratic　despotism。　In　time；
  however；　a　democratic　republic　came　to　occupy　a　large　portion　of　the
  earth's　surface；　and　made　itself　felt　as　one　of　the　most　powerful
  members　of　the　community　of　nations；　and　elective　and　responsible
  government　became　subject　to　the　observations　and　criticisms　which
  wait　upon　a　great　existing　fact。　It　was　now　perceived　that　such
  phrases　as　〃self…government；〃　and　〃the　power　of　the　people　over
  themselves；〃　do　not　express　the　true　state　of　the　case。　The　〃people〃
  who　exercise　the　power　are　not　always　the　same　people　with　those
  over　whom　it　is　exercised；　and　the　〃self…government〃　spoken　of　is
  not　the　government　of　each　by　himself；　but　of　each　by　all　the　rest。
  The　will　of　the　people；　moreover；　practically　means　the　will　of