The　Ancien　Regime
  by　Charles　Kingsley
  PREFACE
  The　rules　of　the　Royal　Institution　forbid　（and　wisely）　religious　or
  political　controversy。　　It　was　therefore　impossible　for　me　in　these
  Lectures；　to　say　much　which　had　to　be　said；　in　drawing　a　just　and
  complete　picture　of　the　Ancien　Regime　in　France。　　The　passages
  inserted　between　brackets；　which　bear　on　religious　matters；　were
  accordingly　not　spoken　at　the　Royal　Institution。
  But　more。　　It　was　impossible　for　me　in　these　Lectures；　to　bring
  forward　as　fully　as　I　could　have　wished；　the　contrast　between　the
  continental　nations　and　England；　whether　now；　or　during　the
  eighteenth　century。　　But　that　contrast　cannot　be　too　carefully
  studied　at　the　present　moment。　　In　proportion　as　it　is　seen　and
  understood；　will　the　fear　of　revolution　（if　such　exists）　die　out
  among　the　wealthier　classes；　and　the　wish　for　it　（if　such　exists）
  among　the　poorer；　and　a　large　extension　of　the　suffrage　will　be
  looked　on　aswhat　it　actually　isa　safe　and　harmless　concession　to
  the　wishesand；　as　I　hold；　to　the　just　rightsof　large　portion　of
  the　British　nation。
  There　exists　in　Britain　now；　as　far　as　I　can　see；　no　one　of　those
  evils　which　brought　about　the　French　Revolution。　　There　is　no
  widespread　misery；　and　therefore　no　widespread　discontent；　among　the
  classes　who　live　by　hand…labour。　　The　legislation　of　the　last
  generation　has　been　steadily　in　favour　of　the　poor；　as　against　the
  rich；　and　it　is　even　more　true　now　than　it　was　in　1789；　thatas
  Arthur　Young　told　the　French　mob　which　stopped　his　carriagethe
  rich　pay　many　taxes　（over　and　above　the　poor…rates；　a　direct　tax　on
  the　capitalist　in　favour　of　the　labourer）　more　than　are　paid　by　the
  poor。　　〃In　England〃　（says　M。　de　Tocqueville　of　even　the　eighteenth
  century）　〃the　poor　man　enjoyed　the　privilege　of　exemption　from
  taxation；　in　France；　the　rich。〃　　Equality　before　the　law　is　as　well…
  nigh　complete　as　it　can　be；　where　some　are　rich　and　others　poor；　and
  the　only　privileged　class；　it　sometimes　seems　to　me；　is　the　pauper；
  who　has　neither　the　responsibility　of　self…government；　nor　the　toil
  of　self…support。
  A　minority　of　malcontents；　some　justly；　some　unjustly；　angry　with
  the　present　state　of　things；　will　always　exist　in　this　world。　　But　a
  majority　of　malcontents　we　shall　never　have；　as　long　as　the　workmen
  are　allowed　to　keep　untouched　and　unthreatened　their　rights　of　free
  speech；　free　public　meeting；　free　combination　for　all　purposes　which
  do　not　provoke　a　breach　of　the　peace。　　There　may　be　（and　probably
  are）　to　be　found　in　London　and　the　large　towns；　some　of　those
  revolutionary　propagandists　who　have　terrified　and　tormented
  continental　statesmen　since　the　year　1815。　　But　they　are　far　fewer
  in　number　than　in　1848；　far　fewer　still　（I　believe）　than　in　1831；
  and　their　habits；　notions；　temper；　whole　mental　organisation；　is　so
  utterly　alien　to　that　of　the　average　Englishman；　that　it　is　only　the
  sense　of　wrong　which　can　make　him　take　counsel　with　them；　or　make
  common　cause　with　them。　　Meanwhile；　every　man　who　is　admitted　to　a
  vote；　is　one　more　person　withdrawn　from　the　temptation　to
  disloyalty；　and　enlisted　in　maintaining　the　powers　that　bewhen
  they　are　in　the　wrong；　as　well　as　when　they　are　in　the　right。　　For
  every　Englishman　is　by　his　nature　conservative；　slow　to　form　an
  opinion；　cautious　in　putting　it　into　effect；　patient　under　evils
  which　seem　irremediable；　persevering　in　abolishing　such　as　seem
  remediable；　and　then　only　too　ready　to　acquiesce　in　the　earliest
  practical　result；　to　〃rest　and　be　thankful。〃　　His　faults；　as　well　as
  his　virtues；　make　him　anti…revolutionary。　　He　is　generally　too　dull
  to　take　in　a　great　idea；　and　if　he　does　take　it　in；　often　too
  selfish　to　apply　it　to　any　interest　save　his　own。　　But　now　and　then；
  when　the　sense　of　actual　injury　forces　upon　him　a　great　idea；　like
  that　of　Free…trade　or　of　Parliamentary　Reform；　he　is　indomitable；
  however　slow　and　patient；　in　translating　his　thought　into　fact：　　and
  they　will　not　be　wise　statesmen　who　resist　his　dogged　determination。
  If　at　this　moment　he　demands　an　extension　of　the　suffrage　eagerly
  and　even　violently；　the　wise　statesman　will　give　at　once；　gracefully
  and　generously；　what　the　Englishman　will　certainly　obtain　one　day；
  if　he　has　set　his　mind　upon　it。　　If；　on　the　other　hand；　he　asks　for
  it　calmly；　then　the　wise　statesman　（instead　of　mistaking　English
  reticence　for　apathy）　will　listen　to　his　wishes　all　the　more
  readily；　seeing　in　the　moderation　of　the　demand；　the　best　possible
  guarantee　for　moderation　in　the　use　of　the　thing　demanded。
  And；　be　it　always　remembered；　that　in　introducing　these　men　into　the
  〃balance　of　the　Constitution；〃　we　introduce　no　unknown　quantity。
  Statesmen　ought　to　know　them；　if　they　know　themselves；　to　judge　what
  the　working　man　would　do　by　what　they　do　themselves。　　He　who　imputes
  virtues　to　his　own　class　imputes　them　also　to　the　labouring　class。
  He　who　imputes　vices　to　the　labouring　class；　imputes　them　to　his　own
  class。　　For　both　are　not　only　of　the　same　flesh　and　blood；　but；　what
  is　infinitely　more　important；　of　the　same　spirit；　of　the　same　race；
  in　innumerable　cases；　of　the　same　ancestors。　　For　centuries　past　the
  most　able　of　these　men　have　been　working　upwards　into　the　middle
  class；　and　through　it；　often；　to　the　highest　dignities；　and　the
  highest　family　connections；　and　the　whole　nation　knows　how　they　have
  comported　themselves　therein。　　And；　by　a　reverse　process　（of　which
  the　physiognomist　and　genealogist　can　give　abundant　proof）；　the
  weaker　members　of　that　class　which　was　dominant　during　the　Middle
  Age　have　been　sinking　downward；　often　to　the　rank　of　mere　day…
  labourers；　and　carrying　downward　with　themsometimes　in　a　very
  tragical　and　pathetic　fashionsomewhat　of　the　dignity　and　the
  refinement　which　they　had　learnt　from　their　ancestors。
  Thus　has　the　English　nation　（and　as　far　as　I　can　see；　the　Scotch
  likewise）　become　more　homogeneous　than　any　nation　of　the　Continent；
  if　we　except　France　since　the　extermination　of　the　Frankish
  nobility。　　And　for　that　very　reason；　as　it　seems　to　me；　it　is　more
  fitted　than　any　other　European　nation　for　the　exercise　of　equal
  political　rights；　and　not　to　be　debarred　of　them　by　arguments　drawn
  from　countries　which　have　been　governedas　England　has　not　beenby
  a　caste。
  The　civilisation；　not　of　mere　book…learning；　but　of　the　heart；　all
  that　was　once　meant　by　〃manners〃good　breeding；　high　feeling；
  respect　for　self　and　respect　for　othersare　just　as　common　（as　far
  as　I　have　seen）　among　the　hand…workers　of　England　and　Scotland；　as
  among　any　other　class；　the　only　difference　is；　that　these　qualities
  develop　more　early　in　the　richer　classes；　owing　to　that　severe
  discipline　of　our　public　schools；　which　makes　mere　lads　often　fit　to
  govern；　because　they　have　learnt　to　obey：　　while　they　develop　later…
  …generally　not　till　middle　agein　the　classes　who　have　not　gone
  through　in　their　youth　that　Spartan　training；　and　who　indeed　（from　a
  mistaken　conception　of　liberty）　would　not　endure　it　for　a　day。　　This
  and　other　social　drawbacks　which　are　but　too　patent；　retard　the
  manhood　of　the　working　classes。　　That　it　should　be　so；　is　a　wrong。
  For　if　a　citizen　have　one　right　above　all　others　to　demand　anything
  of　his　country；　it　is　that　he　should　be　educated；　that　whatever
  capabilities　he　may　have　in　him；　however　small；　should　have　their
  fair　and　full　chance　of　development。　　But　the　cause　of　the　wrong　is
  not　the　existence　of　a　caste；　or　a　privileged　class；　or　of　anything
  save　the　plain　fact；　that　some　men　will　be　always　able　to　pay　more
  for　their　children's　education　than　others；　and　that　those　children
  will；　inevitably；　win　in　the　struggle　of　life。
  Meanwhile；　in　this　fact　is　to　be　found　the　most　weighty；　if　not　the
  only　argument　against　manhood　suffrage；　which　would　admit　manybut
  too　many；　alas！who　are　still　mere　boys　in　mind。　　To　a　reasonable
  household　suffrage　it　cannot　apply。　　The　man　who　（being　almost
  certainly　married；　and　having　children）　can　afford　to　rent　a　5　pound
  tenement　in　a　town；　or　in　the　country　either；　has　seen　quite　enough
  of　life；　and　learnt　quite　enough　of　it；　to　form　a　very　fair　judgment
  of　the　man　who　offers　to　represent　him　in　Parliament；　because　he　has
  learnt；　not　merely　something　of　his　own　interest；　or　that　of　his
  class；　butwhat　is　infinitely　more　importantthe　difference
  between　the　pretender　and　the　honest　man。
  The　causes　of　this　state　of　society；　which　is　peculiar　to　Britain；
  must　be　sought　far　back　in　the　ages。　　It　would　seem　that　the
  distinction　between　〃earl　and　churl〃　（the　noble　and　the　non…noble
  freeman）　was　crushed　out　in　this　island　by　the　two　Norman　conquests…
  …that　of　the　Anglo…Saxon　nobility　by　Sweyn　and　Canute；　and　that　of
  the　Anglo…Danish　nobility　by　William　and　his　Frenchmen。　　Those　two
  terrible　calamities；　following　each　other　in　the　short　space　of
  fifty　years；　seem　to　have　welded　t