there。　　The　whole　nation　is　interested　that　the　best　use　shall　be
  made　of　these　Territories。　　We　want　them　for　homes　of　free　white
  people。　　This　they　cannot　be；　to　any　considerable　extent；　if
  slavery　shall　be　planted　within　them。　　Slave　States　are　places
  for　poor　white　people　to　remove　from；　not　to　remove　to。　　New　free
  States　are　the　places　for　poor　people　to　go　to；　and　better　their
  condition。　　For　this　use　the　nation　needs　these　Territories。
  Still　further：　there　are　constitutional　relations　between　the
  slave　and　free　States　which　are　degrading　to　the　latter。　　We　are
  under　legal　obligations　to　catch　and　return　their　runaway　slaves
  to　them：　a　sort　of　dirty；　disagreeable　job；　which；　I　believe；　as
  a　general　rule；　the　slaveholders　will　not　perform　for　one
  another。　　Then　again；　in　the　control　of　the　governmentthe
  management　of　the　partnership　affairsthey　have　greatly　the
  advantage　of　us。　　By　the　Constitution　each　State　has　two
  senators；　each　has　a　number　of　representatives　in　proportion　to
  the　number　of　its　people；　and　each　has　a　number　of　Presidential
  electors　equal　to　the　whole　number　of　its　senators　and
  representatives　together。　　But　in　ascertaining　the　number　of　the
  people　for　this　purpose；　five　slaves　are　counted　as　being　equal
  to　three　whites。　　The　slaves　do　not　vote；　they　are　only　counted
  and　so　used　as　to　swell　the　influence　of　the　white　people's
  votes。　　The　practical　effect　of　this　is　more　aptly　shown　by　a
  comparison　of　the　States　of　South　Carolina　and　Maine。　　South
  Carolina　has　six　representatives；　and　so　has　Maine；　South
  Carolina　has　eight　Presidential　electors；　and　so　has　Maine。　　This
  is　precise　equality　so　far；　and　of　course　they　are　equal　in
  senators；　each　having　two。　　Thus　in　the　control　of　the　government
  the　two　States　are　equals　precisely。　　But　how　are　they　in　the
  number　of　their　white　people？　　Maine　has　581；813；　while　South
  Carolina　has　274；567；　Maine　has　twice　as　many　as　South　Carolina；
  and　32；679　over。　　Thus；　each　white　man　in　South　Carolina　is　more
  than　the　double　of　any　man　in　Maine。　　This　is　all　because　South
  Carolina；　besides　her　free　people；　has　384；984　slaves。　　The　South
  Carolinian　has　precisely　the　same　advantage　over　the　white　man　in
  every　other　free　State　as　well　as　in　Maine。　　He　is　more　than　the
  double　of　any　one　of　us　in　this　crowd。　　The　same　advantage；　but
  not　to　the　same　extent；　is　held　by　all　the　citizens　of　the　slave
  States　over　those　of　the　free；　and　it　is　an　absolute　truth；
  without　an　exception；　that　there　is　no　voter　in　any　slave　State
  but　who　has　more　legal　power　in　the　government　than　any　voter　in
  any　free　State。　　There　is　no　instance　of　exact　equality；　and　the
  disadvantage　is　against　us　the　whole　chapter　through。　　This
  principle；　in　the　aggregate；　gives　the　slave　States　in　the
  present　Congress　twenty　additional　representatives；　being　seven
  more　than　the　whole　majority　by　which　they　passed　the　Nebraska
  Bill。
  Now　all　this　is　manifestly　unfair；　yet　I　do　not　mention　it　to
  complain　of　it；　in　so　far　as　it　is　already　settled。　　It　is　in　the
  Constitution；　and　I　do　not　for　that　cause；　or　any　other　cause；
  propose　to　destroy；　or　alter；　or　disregard　the　Constitution。　　I
  stand　to　it；　fairly；　fully；　and　firmly。
  But　when　I　am　told　I　must　leave　it　altogether　to　other　people　to
  say　whether　new　partners　are　to　be　bred　up　and　brought　into　the
  firm；　on　the　same　degrading　terms　against　me；　I　respectfully
  demur。　　I　insist　that　whether　I　shall　be　a　whole　man　or　only　the
  half　of　one；　in　comparison　with　others　is　a　question　in　which　I
  am　somewhat　concerned；　and　one　which　no　other　man　can　have　a
  sacred　right　of　deciding　for　me。　　If　I　am　wrong　in　this；　if　it
  really　be　a　sacred　right　of　self…government　in　the　man　who　shall
  go　to　Nebraska　to　decide　whether　he　will　be　the　equal　of　me　or
  the　double　of　me；　then；　after　he　shall　have　exercised　that　right；
  and　thereby　shall　have　reduced　me　to　a　still　smaller　fraction　of
  a　man　than　I　already　am；　I　should　like　for　some　gentleman；　deeply
  skilled　in　the　mysteries　of　sacred　rights；　to　provide　himself
  with　a　microscope；　and　peep　about；　and　find　out；　if　he　can；　what
  has　become　of　my　sacred　rights。　　They　will　surely　be　too　small
  for　detection　with　the　naked　eye。
  Finally；　I　insist　that　if　there　is　anything　which　it　is　the　duty
  of　the　whole　people　to　never　intrust　to　any　hands　but　their　own；
  that　thing　is　the　preservation　and　perpetuity　of　their　own
  liberties　and　institutions。　　And　if　they　shall　think　as　I　do；
  that　the　extension　of　slavery　endangers　them　more　than　any　or　all
  other　causes；　how　recreant　to　themselves　if　they　submit　The
  question；　and　with　it　the　fate　of　their　country；　to　a　mere
  handful　of　men　bent　only　on　seif…interest。　　If　this　question　of
  slavery　extension　were　an　insignificant　one；　one　having　no　power
  to　do　harmit　might　be　shuffled　aside　in　this　way；　and　being；　as
  it　is；　the　great　Behemoth　of　danger；　shall　the　strong　grip　of　the
  nation　be　loosened　upon　him；　to　intrust　him　to　the　hands　of　such
  feeble　keepers？
  I　have　done　with　this　mighty　argument　of　self…government。　　Go；
  sacred　thing！　Go　in　peace。
  But　Nebraska　is　urged　as　a　great　Union…saving　measure。　　Well；　I
  too　go　for　saving　the　Union。　　Much　as　I　hate　slavery；　I　would
  consent　to　the　extension　of　it　rather　than　see　the　Union
  dissolved；　just　as　I　would　consent　to　any　great　evil　to　avoid　a
  greater　one。　　But　when　I　go　to　Union…saving；　I　must　believe；　at
  least；　that　the　means　I　employ　have　some　adaptation　to　the　end。
  To　my　mind；　Nebraska　has　no　such　adaptation。
  〃It　hath　no　relish　of　salvation　in　it。〃
  It　is　an　aggravation；　rather；　of　the　only　one　thing　which　ever
  endangers　the　Union。　　When　it　came　upon　us；　all　was　peace　and
  quiet。　　The　nation　was　looking　to　the　forming　of　new　bends　of
  union；　and　a　long　course　of　peace　and　prosperity　seemed　to　lie
  before　us。　　In　the　whole　range　of　possibility；　there　scarcely
  appears　to　me　to　have　been　anything　out　of　which　the　slavery
  agitation　could　have　been　revived；　except　the　very　project　of
  repealing　the　Missouri　Compromise。　　Every　inch　of　territory　we
  owned　already　had　a　definite　settlement　of　the　slavery　question；
  by　which　all　parties　were　pledged　to　abide。　　Indeed；　there　was　no
  uninhabited　country　on　the　continent　which　we　could　acquire；　if
  we　except　some　extreme　northern　regions　which　are　wholly　out　of
  the　question。
  In　this　state　of　affairs　the　Genius　of　Discord　himself　could
  scarcely　have　invented　a　way　of　again　setting　us　by　the　ears　but
  by　turning　back　and　destroying　the　peace　measures　of　the　past。
  The　counsels　of　that　Genius　seem　to　have　prevailed。　　The　Missouri
  Compromise　was　repealed；　and　here　we　are　in　the　midst　of　a　new
  slavery　agitation；　such；　I　think；　as　we　have　never　seen　before。
  Who　is　responsible　for　this？　　Is　it　those　who　resist　the　measure；
  or　those　who　causelessly　brought　it　forward；　and　pressed　it
  through；　having　reason　to　know；　and　in　fact　knowing；　it　must　and
  would　be　so　resisted？　　It　could　not　but　be　expected　by　its　author
  that　it　would　be　looked　upon　as　a　measure　for　the　extension　of
  slavery；　aggravated　by　a　gross　breach　of　faith。
  Argue　as　you　will　and　long　as　you　will；　this　is　the　naked　front
  and　aspect　of　the　measure。　　And　in　this　aspect　it　could　not　but
  produce　agitation。　　Slavery　is　founded　in　the　selfishness　of
  man's　natureopposition　to　it　in　his　love　of　justice。　　These
  principles　are　at　eternal　antagonism；　and　when　brought　into
  collision　so　fiercely　as　slavery　extension　brings　them；　shocks
  and　throes　and　convulsions　must　ceaselessly　follow。　　Repeal　the
  Missouri　Compromise；　repeal　all　compromises；　repeal　the
  Declaration　of　Independence；　repeal　all　past　history；　you　still
  cannot　repeal　human　nature。　　It　still　will　be　the　abundance　of
  man's　heart　that　slavery　extension　is　wrong；　and　out　of　the
  abundance　of　his　heart　his　mouth　will　continue　to　speak。
  The　structure；　too；　of　the　Nebraska　Bill　is　very　peculiar。　　The
  people　are　to　decide　the　question　of　slavery　for　themselves；　but
  when　they　are　to　decide；　or　how　they　are　to　decide；　or　whether；
  when　the　question　is　once　decided；　it　is　to　remain　so　or　is　to　be
  subject　to　an　indefinite　succession　of　new　trials；　the　law　does
  not　say。　　Is　it　to　be　decided　by　the　first　dozen　settlers　who
  arrive　there；　or　is　it　to　await　the　arrival　of　a　hundred？　　Is　it
  to　be　decided　by　a　vote　of　the　people　or　a　vote　of　the
  Legislature；　or；　indeed；　by　a　vote　of　any　sort？　　To　these
  questions　the　law　gives　no　answer。　　There　is　a　mystery　about
  this；　for　when　a　member　proposed　to　give　the　Legislature　express
  authority　to　exclude　slavery；　it　was　hooted　down　by　the　friends
  of　the　bill。　　This　fact　is　worth　remembering。　　Some　Yankees　in
  the　East　are　sending　emigrants　to　Nebraska　to　exclude　slavery
  from　it；　and；　so　far　as　I　can　judge；　they　expect　the　question　to
  be　decided　by　voting　in　some　way　or　other。　　But　the　Missourians
  are　awake；　too。　　They　are　within　a　stone's…throw　of　the　contested