abide　the　nomination　of　Taylor；　but　since　the　deed　has　been　done；
  they　are　fast　falling　in；　and　in　my　opinion　we　shall　have　a　most
  overwhelming；　glorious　triumph。　　One　unmistakable　sign　is　that
  all　the　odds　and　ends　are　with　usBarnburners；　Native　Americans；
  Tyler　men；　disappointed　office…seeking　Locofocos；　and　the　Lord
  knows　what。　　This　is　important；　if　in　nothing　else；　in　showing
  which　way　the　wind　blows。　　Some　of　the　sanguine　men　have　set　down
  all　the　States　as　certain　for　Taylor　but　Illinois；　and　it　as
  doubtful。　　Cannot　something　be　done　even　in　Illinois？　　Taylor's
  nomination　takes　the　Locos　on　the　blind　side。　　It　turns　the　war
  thunder　against　them。　　The　war　is　now　to　them　the　gallows　of
  Haman；　which　they　built　for　us；　and　on　which　they　are　doomed　to
  be　hanged　themselves。
  Excuse　this　short　letter。　　I　have　so　many　to　write　that　I　cannot
  devote　much　time　to　any　one。
  Yours　as　ever；
  A。　LINCOLN。
  SPEECH　IN　THE　HOUSE　OF　REPRESENTATIVES；
  JUNE　20；　1848。
  In　Committee　of　the　Whole　on　the　State　of　the　Union；　on　the　Civil
  and　Diplomatic　Appropriation　Bill：
  Mr。　CHAIRMAN：I　wish　at　all　times　in　no　way　to　practise　any
  fraud　upon　the　House　or　the　committee；　and　I　also　desire　to　do
  nothing　which　may　be　very　disagreeable　to　any　of　the　members。　　I
  therefore　state　in　advance　that　my　object　in　taking　the　floor　is
  to　make　a　speech　on　the　general　subject　of　internal　improvements；
  and　if　I　am　out　of　order　in　doing　so；　I　give　the　chair　an
  opportunity　of　so　deciding；　and　I　will　take　my　seat。
  The　Chair：　I　will　not　undertake　to　anticipate　what　the　gentleman
  may　say　on　the　subject　of　internal　improvements。　　He　will；
  therefore；　proceed　in　his　remarks；　and　if　any　question　of　order
  shall　be　made；　the　chair　will　then　decide　it。
  Mr。　Lincoln：　At　an　early　day　of　this　session　the　President　sent
  us　what　may　properly　be　called　an　internal　improvement　veto
  message。　　The　late　Democratic　convention；　which　sat　at　Baltimore；
  and　which　nominated　General　Cass　for　the　Presidency；　adopted　a
  set　of　resolutions；　now　called　the　Democratic　platform；　among
  which　is　one　in　these　words：
  〃That　the　Constitution　does　not　confer　upon　the　General
  Government　the　power　to　commence　and　carry　on　a　general　system　of
  internal　improvements。〃
  General　Cass；　in　his　letter　accepting　the　nomination；　holds　this
  language：
  〃I　have　carefully　read　the　resolutions　of　the　Democratic　national
  convention；　laying　down　the　platform　of　our　political　faith；　and
  I　adhere　to　them　as　firmly　as　I　approve　them　cordially。〃
  These　things；　taken　together；　show　that　the　question　of　internal
  improvements　is　now　more　distinctly　madehas　become　more　intense
  than　at　any　former　period。　　The　veto　message　and　the　Baltimore
  resolution　I　understand　to　be；　in　substance；　the　same　thing；　the
  latter　being　the　more　general　statement；　of　which　the　former　is
  the　amplification　the　bill　of　particulars。　　While　I　know　there
  are　many　Democrats；　on　this　floor　and　elsewhere；　who　disapprove
  that　message；　I　understand　that　all　who　voted　for　General　Cass
  will　thereafter　be　counted　as　having　approved　it；　as　having
  indorsed　all　its　doctrines。
  I　suppose　all；　or　nearly　all；　the　Democrats　will　vote　for　him。
  Many　of　them　will　do　so　not　because　they　like　his　position　on
  this　question；　but　because　they　prefer　him；　being　wrong　on　this；
  to　another　whom　they　consider　farther　wrong　on　other　questions。
  In　this　way　the　internal　improvement　Democrats　are　to　be；　by　a
  sort　of　forced　consent；　carried　over　and　arrayed　against
  themselves　on　this　measure　of　policy。　　General　Cass；　once
  elected；　will　not　trouble　himself　to　make　a　constitutional
  argument；　or　perhaps　any　argument　at　all；　when　he　shall　veto　a
  river　or　harbor　bill；　he　will　consider　it　a　sufficient　answer　to
  all　Democratic　murmurs　to　point　to　Mr。　Polk's　message；　and　to　the
  Democratic　platform。　　This　being　the　case；　the　question　of
  improvements　is　verging　to　a　final　crisis；　and　the　friends　of
  this　policy　must　now　battle；　and　battle　manfully；　or　surrender
  all。　　In　this　view；　humble　as　I　am；　I　wish　to　review；　and　contest
  as　well　as　I　may；　the　general　positions　of　this　veto　message。
  When　I　say　general　positions；　I　mean　to　exclude　from
  consideration　so　much　as　relates　to　the　present　embarrassed　state
  of　the　treasury　in　consequence　of　the　Mexican　War。
  Those　general　positions　are：　that　internal　improvements　ought　not
  to　be　made　by　the　General　GovernmentFirst。　　Because　they　would
  overwhelm　the　treasury　Second。　　Because；　while　their　burdens
  would　be　general；　their　benefits　would　be　local　and　partial；
  involving　an　obnoxious　inequality；　and　Third。　　Because　they　would
  be　unconstitutional。　　Fourth。　　Because　the　States　may　do　enough
  by　the　levy　and　collection　of　tonnage　duties；　or　if　notFifth。
  That　the　Constitution　may　be　amended。　　〃Do　nothing　at　all；　lest
  you　do　something　wrong；〃　is　the　sum　of　these　positions　is　the　sum
  of　this　message。　　And　this；　with　the　exception　of　what　is　said
  about　constitutionality；　applying　as　forcibly　to　what　is　said
  about　making　improvements　by　State　authority　as　by　the　national
  authority；　so　that　we　must　abandon　the　improvements　of　the
  country　altogether；　by　any　and　every　authority；　or　we　must　resist
  and　repudiate　the　doctrines　of　this　message。　　Let　us　attempt　the
  latter。
  The　first　position　is；　that　a　system　of　internal　improvements
  would　overwhelm　the　treasury。　　That　in　such　a　system　there　is　a
  tendency　to　undue　expansion；　is　not　to　be　denied。　　Such　tendency
  is　founded　in　the　nature　of　the　subject。　　A　member　of　Congress
  will　prefer　voting　for　a　bill　which　contains　an　appropriation　for
  his　district；　to　voting　for　one　which　does　not；　and　when　a　bill
  shall　be　expanded　till　every　district　shall　be　provided　for；　that
  it　will　be　too　greatly　expanded　is　obvious。　　But　is　this　any　more
  true　in　Congress　than　in　a　State　Legislature？　　If　a　member　of
  Congress　must　have　an　appropriation　for　his　district；　so　a　member
  of　a　Legislature　must　have　one　for　his　county。　　And　if　one　will
  overwhelm　the　national　treasury；　so　the　other　will　overwhelm　the
  State　treasury。　　Go　where　we　will；　the　difficulty　is　the　same。
  Allow　it　to　drive　us　from　the　halls　of　Congress；　and　it　will；
  just　as　easily；　drive　us　from　the　State　Legislatures。　　Let　us；
  then；　grapple　with　it；　and　test　its　strength。　　Let　us；　judging　of
  the　future　by　the　past；　ascertain　whether　there　may　not　be；　in
  the　discretion　of　Congress；　a　sufficient　power　to　limit　and
  restrain　this　expansive　tendency　within　reasonable　and　proper
  bounds。　　The　President　himself　values　the　evidence　of　the　past。
  He　tells　us　that　at　a　certain　point　of　our　history　more　than　two
  hundred　millions　of　dollars　had　been　applied　for　to　make
  improvements；　and　this　he　does　to　prove　that　the　treasury　would
  be　overwhelmed　by　such　a　system。　　Why　did　he　not　tell　us　how　much
  was　granted？　　Would　not　that　have　been　better　evidence？　　Let　us
  turn　to　it；　and　see　what　it　proves。　　In　the　message　the　President
  tells　us　that　〃during　the　four　succeeding　years　embraced　by　the
  administration　of　President　Adams；　the　power　not　only　to
  appropriate　money；　but　to　apply　it；　under　the　direction　and
  authority　of　the　General　Government；　as　well　to　the　construction
  of　roads　as　to　the　improvement　of　harbors　and　rivers；　was　fully
  asserted　and　exercised。〃　　This；　then；　was　the　period　of　greatest
  enormity。　　These；　if　any；　must　have　been　the　days　of　the　two
  hundred　millions。　　And　how　much　do　you　suppose　was　really
  expended　for　improvements　during　that　four　years？　　Two　hundred
  millions？　　One　hundred？　　Fifty？　　Ten？　　Five？　　No；　sir；　less　than
  two　millions。　　As　shown　by　authentic　documents；　the　expenditures
  on　improvements　during　1825；　1826；　1827；　and　1828　amounted　to　one
  million　eight　hundred　and　seventy…nine　thousand　six　hundred　and
  twenty…seven　dollars　and　one　cent。　　These　four　years　were　the
  period　of　Mr。　Adams's　administration；　nearly　and　substantially。
  This　fact　shows　that　when　the　power　to　make　improvements　〃was
  fully　asserted　and　exercised；〃　the　Congress　did　keep　within
  reasonable　limits；　and　what　has　been　done；　it　seems　to　me；　can　be
  done　again。
  Now　for　the　second　portion　of　the　messagenamely；　that　the
  burdens　of　improvements　would　be　general；　while　their　benefits
  would　be　local　and　partial；　involving　an　obnoxious　inequality。
  That　there　is　some　degree　of　truth　in　this　position；　I　shall　not
  deny。　　No　commercial　object　of　government　patronage　can　be　so
  exclusively　general　as　to　not　be　of　some　peculiar　local
  advantage。　　The　navy；　as　I　understand　it；　was　established；　and　is
  maintained　at　a　great　annual　expense；　partly　to　be　ready　for　war
  when　war　shall　come；　and　partly　also；　and　perhaps　chiefly；　for
  the　protection　of　our　commerce　on　the　high　seas。　　This　latter
  object　is；　for　all　I　can　see；　in　principle　the　same　as　internal
  improvements。　　The　driving　a　pirate　from　the　track　of　commerce　on
  the　broad　ocean；　and　the　removi