as　given　the　power　to　declare　the　punishment　of　treason；　but　treason　itself　was　defined　in　the　Constitution；　and　it　was　further　asserted　that　a　person　could　be　convicted　of　treason　only　on　the　testimony　of　two　witnesses；　and　that　attainder　of　treason　should　not　〃work　corruption　of　blood　nor　forfeiture　except　during　the　life　of　the　person　attainted。〃　Arising　more　nearly　out　of　their　own　experience　was　the　prohibition　of　export　taxes；　of　capitation　taxes；　and　of　the　granting　of　titles　of　nobility。　While　the　committee　of　detail　was　preparing　its　report；　the　Southern　members　of　that　committee　had　succeeded　in　getting　a　provision　inserted　that　navigation　acts　could　be　passed　only　by　a　two…thirds　vote　of　both　houses　of　the　legislature。　New　England　and　the　Middle　States　were　strongly　in　favor　of　navigation　acts　for；　if　they　could　require　all　American　products　to　be　carried　in　American…built　and　American…owned　vessels；　they　would　give　a　great　stimulus　to　the　ship…building　and　commerce　of　the　United　States。　They　therefore　wished　to　give　Congress　power　in　this　matter　on　exactly　the　same　terms　that　other　powers　were　granted。　The　South；　however；　was　opposed　to　this　policy；　for　it　wanted　to　encourage　the　cheapest　method　of　shipping　its　raw　materials。　The　South　also　wanted　a　larger　number　of　slaves　to　meet　its　labor　demands。　To　this　need　New　England　was　not　favorably　disposed。　To　reconcile　the　conflicting　interests　of　the　two　sections　a　compromise　was　finally　reached。　The　requirement　of　a　two…thirds　vote　of　both　houses　for　the　passing　of　navigation　acts　which　the　Southern　members　had　obtained　was　abandoned；　and　on　the　other　hand　it　was　determined　that　Congress　should　not　be　allowed　to　interfere　with　the　importation　of　slaves　for　twenty　years。　This；　again；　was　one　of　the　important　and　conspicuous　compromises　of　the　Constitution。　It　is　liable；　however；　to　be　misunderstood；　for　one　should　not　read　into　the　sentiment　of　the　members　of　the　Convention　any　of　the　later　strong　prejudice　against　slavery。　There　were　some　who　objected　on　moral　grounds　to　the　recognition　of　slavery　in　the　Constitution；　and　that　word　was　carefully　avoided　by　referring　to　〃such　Persons　as　any　States　now　existing　shall　think　proper　to　admit。〃　And　there　were　some　who　were　especially　opposed　to　the　encouragement　of　that　institution　by　permitting　the　slave　trade；　but　the　majority　of　the　delegates　regarded　slavery　as　an　accepted　institution；　as　a　part　of　the　established　order；　and　public　sentiment　on　the　slave　trade　was　not　much　more　emphatic　and　positive　than　it　is　now　on　cruelty　to　animals。　As　Ellsworth　said；　〃The　morality　or　wisdom　of　slavery　are　considerations　belonging　to　the　States　themselves；〃　and　the　compromise　was　nothing　more　or　less　than　a　bargain　between　the　sections。　The　fundamental　weakness　of　the　Confederation　was　the　inability　of　the　Government　to　enforce　its　decrees；　and　in　spite　of　the　increased　powers　of　Congress；　even　including　the　use　of　the　militia　〃to　execute　the　laws　of　the　Union；〃　it　was　not　felt　that　this　defect　had　been　entirely　remedied。　Experience　under　the　Confederation　had　taught　men　that　something　more　was　necessary　in　the　direction　of　restricting　the　States　in　matters　which　might　interfere　with　the　working　of　the　central　Government。　As　in　the　case　of　the　powers　of　Congress；　the　Articles　of　Confederation　were　again　resorted　to　and　the　restrictions　which　had　been　placed　upon　the　States　in　that　document　were　now　embodied　in　the　Constitution　with　modifications　and　additions。　But　the　final　touch　was　given　in　connection　with　the　judiciary。　There　was　little　in　the　printed　draft　and　there　is　comparatively　little　in　the　Constitution　on　the　subject　of　the　judiciary。　A　Federal　Supreme　Court　was　provided　for；　and　Congress　was　permitted；　but　not　required；　to　establish　inferior　courts；　while　the　jurisdiction　of　these　tribunals　was　determined　upon　the　general　principles　that　it　should　extend　to　cases　arising　under　the　Constitution　and　laws　of　the　United　States；　to　treaties　and　cases　in　which　foreigners　and　foreign　countries　were　involved；　and　to　controversies　between　States　and　citizens　of　different　States。　Nowhere　in　the　document　itself　is　there　any　word　as　to　that　great　power　which　has　been　exercised　by　the　Federal　courts　of　declaring　null　and　void　laws　or　parts　of　laws　that　are　regarded　as　in　contravention　to　the　Constitution。　There　is　little　doubt　that　the　more　important　men　in　the　Convention；　such　as　Wilson；　Madison；　Gouverneur　Morris；　King；　Gerry；　Mason；　and　Luther　Martin；　believed　that　the　judiciary　would　exercise　this　power；　even　though　it　should　not　be　specifically　granted。　The　nearest　approach　to　a　declaration　of　this　power　is　to　be　found　in　a　paragraph　that　was　inserted　toward　the　end　of　the　Constitution。　Oddly　enough；　this　was　a　modification　of　a　clause　introduced　by　Luther　Martin　with　quite　another　intent。　As　adopted　it　reads：　〃That　this　Constitution　and　the　Laws　of　the　United　States　。　。　。　and　all　Treaties　。　。　。　shall　be　the　supreme　Law　of　the　Land；　and　the　Judges　in　every　State　shall　be　bound　thereby；　any　Thing　in　the　Constitution　or　Laws　of　any　State　to　the　Contrary　notwithstanding。〃　This　paragraph　may　well　be　regarded　as　the　keystone　of　the　constitutional　arch　of　national　power。　Its　significance　lies　in　the　fact　that　the　Constitution　is　regarded　not　as　a　treaty　nor　as　an　agreement　between　States；　but　as　a　law；　and　while　its　enforcement　is　backed　by　armed　power；　it　is　a　law　enforceable　in　the　courts。　One　whole　division　of　the　Constitution　has　been　as　yet　barely　referred　to；　and　it　not　only　presented　one　of　the　most　perplexing　problems　which　the　Convention　faced　but　one　of　the　last　to　be　settledthat　providing　for　an　executive。　There　was　a　general　agreement　in　the　Convention　that　there　should　be　a　separate　executive。　The　opinion　also　developed　quite　early　that　a　single　executive　was　better　than　a　plural　body；　but　that　was　as　far　as　the　members　could　go　with　any　degree　of　unanimity。　At　the　outset　they　seemed　to　have　thought　that　the　executive　would　be　dependent　upon　the　legislature；　appointed　by　that　body；　and　therefore　more　or　less　subject　to　its　control。　But　in　the　course　of　the　proceedings　the　tendency　was　to　grant　greater　and　greater　powers　to　the　executive；　in　other　words；　he　was　becoming　a　figure　of　importance。　No　such　office　as　that　of　President　of　the　United　States　was　then　in　existence。　It　was　a　new　position　which　they　were　creating。　We　have　become　so　accustomed　to　it　that　it　is　difficult　for　us　to　hark　back　to　the　time　when　there　was　no　such　officer　and　to　realize　the　difficulties　and　the　fears　of　the　men　who　were　responsible　for　creating　that　office。　The　presidency　was　obviously　modeled　after　the　governorship　of　the　individual　States；　and　yet　the　incumbent　was　to　be　at　the　head　of　the　Thirteen　States。　Rufus　King　is　frequently　quoted　to　the　effect　that　the　men　of　that　time　had　been　accustomed　to　considering　themselves　subjects　of　the　British　king。　Even　at　the　time　of　the　Convention　there　is　good　evidence　to　show　that　some　of　the　members　were　still　agitating　the　desirability　of　establishing　a　monarchy　in　the　United　States。　It　was　a　common　rumor　that　a　son　of　George　III　was　to　be　invited　to　come　over；　and　there　is　reason　to　believe　that　only　a　few　months　before　the　Convention　met　Prince　Henry　of　Prussia　was　approached　by　prominent　people　in　this　country　to　see　if　he　could　be　induced　to　accept　the　headship　of　the　States；　that　is；　to　become　the　king　of　the　United　States。　The　members　of　the　Convention　evidently　thought　that　they　were　establishing　something　like　a　monarchy。　As　Randolph　said；　the　people　would　see　〃the　form　at　least　of　a　little　monarch；〃　and　they　did　not　want　him　to　have　despotic　powers。　When　the　sessions　were　over；　a　lady　asked　Franklin：　〃Well；　Doctor；　what　have　we　got；　a　republic　or　a　monarchy？〃　〃A　republic；〃　replied　the　doctor；　〃if　you　can　keep　it。〃　The　increase　of　powers　accruing　to　the　executive　office　necessitated　placing　a　corresponding　check　upon　the　exercise　of　those　powers。　The　obvious　method　was　to　render　the　executive　subject　to　impeachment；　and　it　was　also　readily　agreed　that　his　veto　might　be　overruled　by　a　two…thirds　vote　of　Congress；　but　some　further　safeguards　were　necessary；　and　the　whole　question　accordingly　turned　upon　the　method　of　his　election　and　the　length　of　his　term。　In　the　course　of　the　proceedings　of　the　Convention；　at　several　different　times；　the　members　voted　in　favor　of　an　appointment　by　the　national　legislature；　but　they　also　voted　against　it。　Once　they　voted　for　a　system　of　electors　chosen　by　the　State　legislatures　and　twice　they　voted　against　such　a　system。　Three　times　they　voted　to　reconsider　the　whole　question。　It　is　no　wonder　that　Gerry　should　say：　〃We　seem　to　be　entirely　at　a　loss。〃　So　it　came　to　the　end　of　August；　with　most　of　the　other　matters　disposed　of　and　with　the　patience　of　the　delegates　worn　out　by　the　long　strain　of　four　weeks'　close　application。　During　the　discussions　it　had　become　apparent　to　every　one　that　an　election　of　the　President　by　the　people　would　give　a　decided　advantage　to　the　large　States；　so　that　again　there　was　arising　the　divergence　between　the　large　and　small　States。　In　order　to　hasten　matters　to　a　conclusion；　this　and　all　other　vexing　details　upon　which　the　Convention　could