t　government　rested　upon　the　consent　of　the　governed；　but　these　constitutions　carefully　provided　that　such　consent　should　come　from　property　owners；　and；　in　many　of　the　States；　from　religious　believers　and　even　followers　of　the　Christian　faith。　〃The　man　of　small　means　might　vote；　but　none　save　well…to…do　Christians　could　legislate；　and　in　many　states　none　but　a　rich　Christian　could　be　a　governor。〃**　In　South　Carolina；　for　example；　a　freehold　of　10；000　pounds　currency　was　required　of　the　Governor；　Lieutenant　Governor；　and　members　of　A　he　Council；　2；000　pounds　of　the　members　of　the　Senate；　and；　while　every　elector　was　eligible　to　the　House　of　Representatives；　he　had　to　acknowledge　the　being　of　a　God　and　to　believe　in　a　future　state　of　rewards　and　punishments；　as　well　as　to　hold　〃a　freehold　at　least　of　fifty　acres　of　land；　or　a　town　lot。〃　*　George　Combe；　〃Tour　of　the　United　States；〃　vol。　I；　p。　205。　**　McMaster；　〃Acquisition　of　Industrial；　Popular；　and　Political　Rights　of　Man　in　America；〃　p。　20。
  It　was　government　by　a　property…owning　class；　but　in　comparison　with　other　countries　this　class　represented　a　fairly　large　and　increasing　proportion　of　the　population。　In　America　the　opportunity　of　becoming　a　property…owner　was　open　to　every　one；　or；　as　that　phrase　would　then　have　been　understood；　to　most　white　men。　This　system　of　class　control　is　illustrated　by　the　fact　that；　with　the　exception　of　Massachusetts；　the　new　State　Constitutions　were　never　submitted　to　the　people　for　approval。　The　democratic　sympathizer　of　today　is　inclined　to　point　to　those　first　State　Governments　as　a　continuance　of　the　old　order。　But　to　the　conservative　of　that　time　it　seemed　as　if　radical　and　revolutionary　changes　were　taking　place。　The　bills　of　rights　declared；　〃That　no　men；　or　set　of　men；　are　entitled　to　exclusive　or　separate　emoluments　or　privileges　from　the　community；　but　in　consideration　of　public　services。〃　Property　qualifications　and　other　restrictions　on　officeholding　and　the　exercise　of　the　suffrage　were　lessened。　Four　States　declared　in　their　constitutions　against　the　entailment　of　estates；　and　primogeniture　was　abolished　in　aristocratic　Virginia。　There　was　a　fairly　complete　abolition　of　all　vestiges　of　feudal　tenure　in　the　holding　of　land；　so　that　it　may　be　said　that　in　this　period　full　ownership　of　property　was　established。　The　further　separation　of　church　and　state　was　also　carried　out。　Certainly　leveling　influences　were　at　work；　and　the　people　as　a　whole　had　moved　one　step　farther　in　the　direction　of　equality　and　democracy；　and　it　was　well　that　the　Revolution　was　not　any　more　radical　and　revolutionary　than　it　was。　The　change　was　gradual　and　therefore　more　lasting。　One　finds　readily　enough　contemporary　statements　to　the　effect　that；　〃Although　there　are　no　nobles　in　America；　there　is　a　class　of　men　denominated　'gentlemen；'　who；　by　reason　of　their　wealth；　their　talents；　their　education；　their　families；　or　the　offices　they　hold；　aspire　to　a　preeminence；〃　but；　the　same　observer　adds；　this　is　something　which　〃the　people　refuse　to　grant　them。〃　Another　contemporary　contributes　the　observation　that　there　was　not　so　much　respect　paid　to　gentlemen　of　rank　as　there　should　be；　and　that　the　lower　orders　of　people　behave　as　if　they　were　on　a　footing　of　equality　with　them。　Whether　the　State　Constitutions　are　to　be　regarded　as　property…conserving；　aristocratic　instruments；　or　as　progressive　documents；　depends　upon　the　point　of　view。　And　so　it　is　with　the　spirit　of　union　or　of　nationality　in　the　United　States。　One　student　emphasizes　the　fact　of　there　being　〃thirteen　independent　republics　differing　。　。　。　widely　in　climate；　in　soil；　in　occupation；　in　everything　which　makes　up　the　social　and　economic　life　of　the　people〃；　while　another　sees　〃the　United　States　a　nation。〃　There　is　something　to　be　said　for　both　sides；　and　doubtless　the　truth　lies　between　them；　for　there　were　forces　making　for　disintegration　as　well　as　for　unification。　To　the　student　of　the　present　day；　however；　the　latter　seem　to　have　been　the　stronger　and　more　important；　although　the　possibility　was　never　absent　that　the　thirteen　States　would　go　their　separate　ways。　There　are　few　things　so　potent　as　a　common　danger　to　bring　discordant　elements　into　working　harmony。　Several　times　in　the　century　and　a　half　of　their　existence；　when　the　colonies　found　themselves　threatened　by　their　enemies；　they　had　united；　or　at　least　made　an　effort　to　unite；　for　mutual　help。　The　New　England　Confederation　of　1643　was　organized　primarily　for　protection　against　the　Indians　and　incidentally　against　the　Dutch　and　French。　Whenever　trouble　threatened　with　any　of　the　European　powers　or　with　the　Indiansand　that　was　frequentlya　plan　would　be　broached　for　getting　the　colonies　to　combine　their　efforts；　sometimes　for　the　immediate　necessity　and　sometimes　for　a　broader　purpose。　The　best　known　of　these　plans　was　that　presented　to　the　Albany　Congress　of　1754；　which　had　been　called　to　make　effective　preparation　for　the　inevitable　struggle　with　the　French　and　Indians。　The　beginning　of　the　troubles　which　culminated　in　the　final　breach　with　Great　Britain　had　quickly　brought　united　action　in　the　form　of　the　Stamp　Act　Congress　of　1765；　in　the　Committees　of　Correspondence；　and　then　in　the　Continental　Congress。　It　was　not　merely　that　the　leaven　of　the　Revolution　was　already　working　to　bring　about　the　freer　interchange　of　ideas；　instinct　and　experience　led　the　colonies　to　united　action。　The　very　day　that　the　Continental　Congress　appointed　a　committee　to　frame　a　declaration　of　independence；　another　committee　was　ordered　to　prepare　articles　of　union。　A　month　later；　as　soon　as　the　Declaration　of　Independence　had　been　adopted；　this　second　committee；　of　which　John　Dickinson　of　Pennsylvania　was　chairman；　presented　to　Congress　a　report　in　the　form　of　Articles　of　Confederation。　Although　the　outbreak　of　fighting　made　some　sort　of　united　action　imperative；　this　plan　of　union　was　subjected　to　debate　intermittently　for　over　sixteen　months　and　even　after　being　adopted　by　Congress；　toward　the　end　of　1777；　it　was　not　ratified　by　the　States　until　March；　1781；　when　the　war　was　already　drawing　to　a　close。　The　exigencies　of　the　hour　forced　Congress；　without　any　authorization；　to　act　as　if　it　had　been　duly　empowered　and　in　general　to　proceed　as　if　the　Confederation　had　been　formed。　Benjamin　Franklin　was　an　enthusiast　for　union。　It　was　he　who　had　submitted　the　plan　of　union　to　the　Albany　Congress　in　1754；　which　with　modifications　was　recommended　by　that　congress　for　adoption。　It　provided　for　a　Grand　Council　of　representatives　chosen　by　the　legislature　of　each　colony；　the　members　to　be　proportioned　to　the　contribution　of　that　colony　to　the　American　military　service。　In　matters　concerning　the　colonies　as　a　whole；　especially　in　Indian　affairs；　the　Grand　Council　was　to　be　given　extensive　powers　of　legislation　and　taxation。　The　executive　was　to　be　a　President　or　Governor…General；　appointed　and　paid　by　the　Crown；　with　the　right　of　nominating　all　military　officers；　and　with　a　veto　upon　all　acts　of　the　Grand　Council。　The　project　was　far　in　advance　of　the　times　and　ultimately　failed　of　acceptance：；　but　in　1775；　with　the　beginning　of　the　troubles　with　Great　Britain；　Franklin　took　his　Albany　plan　and；　after　modifying　it　in　accordance　with　the　experience　of　twenty　years；　submitted　it　to　the　Continental　Congress　as　a　new　plan　of　government　under　which　the　colonies　might　unite。　Franklin's　plan　of　1775　seems　to　have　attracted　little　attention　in　America；　and　possibly　it　was　not　generally　known；　but　much　was　made　of　it　abroad；　where　it　soon　became　public；　probably　in　the　same　way　that　other　Franklin　papers　came　out。　It　seems　to　have　been　his　practice　to　make；　with　his　own　hand；　several　copies　of　such　a　document；　which　he　would　send　to　his　friends　with　the　statement　that　as　the　document　in　question　was　confidential　they　might　not　otherwise　see　a　copy　of　it。　Of　course　the　inevitable　happened；　and　such　documents　found　their　war　into　print　to　the　apparent　surprise　and　dismay　of　the　author。　Incidentally　this　practice　caused　confusion　in　later　years；　because　each　possessor　of　such　a　document　would　claim　that　he　had　the　original。　Whatever　may　have　been　the　procedure　in　this　particular　case；　it　is　fairly　evident　that　Dickinson's　committee　took　Franklin's　plan　of　1775　as　the　starting　point　of　its　work；　and　after　revision　submitted　it　to　Congress　as　their　report；　for　some　of　the　most　important　features　of　the　Articles　of　Confederation　are　to　be　found；　sometimes　word　for　word；　in　Franklin's　draft。　This　explanation　of　the　origin　of　the　Articles　of　Confederation　is　helpful　and　perhaps　essential　in　understanding　the　form　of　government　established；　because　that　government　in　its　main　features　had　been　devised　for　an　entirely　different　condition　of　affairs；　when　a　strong；　centralized　government　would　not　have　been　accepted　even　if　it　had　been　wanted。　It　provided　for　a　〃league　of　friendship；〃　with　the　primary　purpose　of　considering　preparation　for　action　rather　than　of　taking　the　initiative。　Furthermore；　the　final　stages　of　drafting　the　Articles　of　Confederation　had　occurred　at　the　outbreak　of　the　war；　when　the　people　of　the　various　States　were　showing　a　disposition　to　follow　readily　suggestions　that　came