t　it　does　with　them；　its　tendency　to　improve　or　deteriorate　the　people　themselves；　and　the　goodness　or　badness　of　the　work　it　performs　for　them；　and　by　means　of　them。　Government　is　at　once　a　great　influence　acting　on　the　human　mind；　and　a　set　of　organised　arrangements　for　public　business：　in　the　first　capacity　its　beneficial　action　is　chiefly　indirect；　but　not　therefore　less　vital；　while　its　mischievous　action　may　be　direct。　　　The　difference　between　these　two　functions　of　a　government　is　not；　like　that　between　Order　and　Progress；　a　difference　merely　in　degree；　but　in　kind。　We　must　not；　however；　suppose　that　they　have　no　intimate　connection　with　one　another。　The　institutions　which　ensure　the　best　management　of　public　affairs　practicable　in　the　existing　state　of　cultivation　tend　by　this　alone　to　the　further　improvement　of　that　state。　A　people　which　had　the　most　just　laws；　the　purest　and　most　efficient　judicature；　the　most　enlightened　administration；　the　most　equitable　and　least　onerous　system　of　finance；　compatible　with　the　stage　it　had　attained　in　moral　and　intellectual　advancement；　would　be　in　a　fair　way　to　pass　rapidly　into　a　higher　stage。　Nor　is　there　any　mode　in　which　political　institutions　can　contribute　more　effectually　to　the　improvement　of　the　people　than　by　doing　their　more　direct　work　well。　And；　reversely；　if　their　machinery　is　so　badly　constructed　that　they　do　their　own　particular　business　ill；　the　effect　is　felt　in　a　thousand　ways　in　lowering　the　morality　and　deadening　the　intelligence　and　activity　of　the　people。　But　the　distinction　is　nevertheless　real；　because　this　is　only　one　of　the　means　by　which　political　institutions　improve　or　deteriorate　the　human　mind；　and　the　causes　and　modes　of　that　beneficial　or　injurious　influence　remain　a　distinct　and　much　wider　subject　of　study。　　　Of　the　two　modes　of　operation　by　which　a　form　of　government　or　set　of　political　institutions　affects　the　welfare　of　the　community…　its　operation　as　an　agency　of　national　education；　and　its　arrangements　for　conducting　the　collective　affairs　of　the　community　in　the　state　of　education　in　which　they　already　are；　the　last　evidently　varies　much　less；　from　difference　of　country　and　state　of　civilisation；　than　the　first。　It　has　also　much　less　to　do　with　the　fundamental　constitution　of　the　government。　The　mode　of　conducting　the　practical　business　of　government；　which　is　best　under　a　free　constitution；　would　generally　be　best　also　in　an　absolute　monarchy：　only　an　absolute　monarchy　is　not　so　likely　to　practise　it。　The　laws　of　property；　for　example；　the　principles　of　evidence　and　judicial　procedure；　the　system　of　taxation　and　of　financial　administration；　need　not　necessarily　be　different　in　different　forms　of　government。　Each　of　these　matters　has　principles　and　rules　of　its　own；　which　are　a　subject　of　separate　study。　General　jurisprudence；　civil　and　penal　legislation；　financial　and　commercial　policy；　are　sciences　in　themselves；　or　rather；　separate　members　of　the　comprehensive　science　or　art　of　government：　and　the　most　enlightened　doctrines　on　all　these　subjects；　though　not　equally　likely　to　be　understood；　or　acted　on　under　all　forms　of　government；　yet；　if　understood　and　acted　on；　would　in　general　be　equally　beneficial　under　them　all。　It　is　true　that　these　doctrines　could　not　be　applied　without　some　modifications　to　all　states　of　society　and　of　the　human　mind：　nevertheless；　by　far　the　greater　number　of　them　would　require　modifications　solely　of　details；　to　adapt　them　to　any　state　of　society　sufficiently　advanced　to　possess　rulers　capable　of　understanding　them。　A　government　to　which　they　would　be　wholly　unsuitable　must　be　one　so　bad　in　itself；　or　so　opposed　to　public　feeling；　as　to　be　unable　to　maintain　itself　in　existence　by　honest　means。　　　It　is　otherwise　with　that　portion　of　the　interests　of　the　community　which　relate　to　the　better　or　worse　training　of　the　people　themselves。　Considered　as　instrumental　to　this；　institutions　need　to　be　radically　different；　according　to　the　stage　of　advancement　already　reached。　The　recognition　of　this　truth；　though　for　the　most　part　empirically　rather　than　philosophically；　may　be　regarded　as　the　main　point　of　superiority　in　the　political　theories　of　the　present　above　those　of　the　last　age；　in　which　it　customary　to　claim　representative　democracy　for　England　or　France　by　arguments　which　would　equally　have　proved　it　the　only　fit　form　of　government　for　Bedouins　or　Malays。　The　state　of　different　communities；　in　point　of　culture　and　development；　ranges　downwards　to　a　condition　very　little　above　the　highest　of　the　beasts。　The　upward　range；　too；　is　considerable；　and　the　future　possible　extension　vastly　greater。　A　community　can　only　be　developed　out　of　one　of　these　states　into　a　higher　by　a　concourse　of　influences；　among　the　principal　of　which　is　the　government　to　which　they　are　subject。　In　all　states　of　human　improvement　ever　yet　attained；　the　nature　and　degree　of　authority　exercised　over　individuals；　the　distribution　of　power；　and　the　conditions　of　command　and　obedience；　are　the　most　powerful　of　the　influences；　except　their　religious　belief；　which　make　them　what　they　are；　and　enable　them　to　become　what　they　can　be。　They　may　be　stopped　short　at　any　point　in　their　progress　by　defective　adaptation　of　their　government　to　that　particular　stage　of　advancement。　And　the　one　indispensable　merit　of　a　government；　in　favour　of　which　it　may　be　forgiven　almost　any　amount　of　other　demerit　compatible　with　progress；　is　that　its　operation　on　the　people　is　favourable；　or　not　unfavourable；　to　the　next　step　which　it　is　necessary　for　them　to　take；　in　order　to　raise　themselves　to　a　higher　level。　　　Thus　（to　repeat　a　former　example）；　a　people　in　a　state　of　savage　independence；　in　which　every　one　lives　for　himself；　exempt；　unless　by　fits；　from　any　external　control；　is　practically　incapable　of　making　any　progress　in　civilisation　until　it　has　learnt　to　obey。　The　indispensable　virtue；　therefore；　in　a　government　which　establishes　itself　over　a　people　of　this　sort　is；　that　it　make　itself　obeyed。　To　enable　it　to　do　this；　the　constitution　of　the　government　must　be　nearly；　or　quite；　despotic。　A　constitution　in　any　degree　popular；　dependent　on　the　voluntary　surrender　by　the　different　members　of　the　community　of　their　individual　freedom　of　action；　would　fail　to　enforce　the　first　lesson　which　the　pupils；　in　this　stage　of　their　progress；　require。　Accordingly；　the　civilisation　of　such　tribes；　when　not　the　result　of　juxtaposition　with　others　already　civilised；　is　almost　always　the　work　of　an　absolute　ruler；　deriving　his　power　either　from　religion　or　military　prowess；　very　often　from　foreign　arms。　　　Again；　uncivilised　races；　and　the　bravest　and　most　energetic　still　more　than　the　rest；　are　averse　to　continuous　labour　of　an　unexciting　kind。　Yet　all　real　civilisation　is　at　this　price；　without　such　labour；　neither　can　the　mind　be　disciplined　into　the　habits　required　by　civilised　society；　nor　the　material　world　prepared　to　receive　it。　There　needs　a　rare　concurrence　of　circumstances；　and　for　that　reason　often　a　vast　length　of　time；　to　reconcile　such　a　people　to　industry；　unless　they　are　for　a　while　compelled　to　it。　Hence　even　personal　slavery；　by　giving　a　commencement　to　industrial　life；　and　enforcing　it　as　the　exclusive　occupation　of　the　most　numerous　portion　of　the　community；　may　accelerate　the　transition　to　a　better　freedom　than　that　of　fighting　and　rapine。　It　is　almost　needless　to　say　that　this　excuse　for　slavery　is　only　available　in　a　very　early　state　of　society。　A　civilised　people　have　far　other　means　of　imparting　civilisation　to　those　under　their　influence；　and　slavery　is；　in　all　its　details；　so　repugnant　to　that　government　of　law；　which　is　the　foundation　of　all　modern　life；　and　so　corrupting　to　the　master…class　when　they　have　once　come　under　civilised　influences；　that　its　adoption　under　any　circumstances　whatever　in　modern　society　is　a　relapse　into　worse　than　barbarism。　　　At　some　period；　however；　of　their　history；　almost　every　people；　now　civilised；　have　consisted；　in　majority；　of　slaves。　A　people　in　that　condition　require　to　raise　them　out　of　it　a　very　different　polity　from　a　nation　of　savages。　If　they　are　energetic　by　nature；　and　especially　if　there　be　associated　with　them　in。　the　same　community　an　industrious　class　who　are　neither　slaves　nor　slave…owners　（as　was　the　case　in　Greece）；　they　need；　probably；　no　more　to　ensure　their　improvement　than　to　make　them　free：　when　freed；　they　may　often　be　fit；　like　Roman　freedmen；　to　be　admitted　at　once　to　the　full　rights　of　citizenship。　This；　however；　is　not　the　normal　condition　of　slavery；　and　is　generally　a　sign　that　it　is　becoming　obsolete。　A　slave；　properly　so　called；　is　a　being　who　has　not　learnt　to　help　himself。　He　is；　no　doubt；　one　step　in　advance　of　a　savage。　He　has　not　the　first　lesson　of　political　society　still　to　acquire。　He　has　learnt　to　obey。　But　what　he　obeys　is　only　a　direct　command。　It　is　the　characteristic　of　born　slaves　to　be　incapable　of　conforming　their　conduct　to　a　rule；　or　law。　They　can　only　do　what　they　are　ordered；　and　only　when　they　are　ordered　to　do　it。　If　a　man　whom　they　fear　is　standing　over　them　and　threatening　them　with　punishment；　they　obey；　but　when　his　back　is　turned；　the　work　remains　undone。　The　motive　de