erietum。。。　relevium。。。　pannagium。。。　tallagium。。　Ramsey　Cart。　i。　297。
  61。　Gloucester　Cart。　iii。　49　and　46；　Battle　Cart。；　Augm。　Off。　Misc。　Books；　N。　57；　f　10；　b。
  62。　Ely　Inqu。；　Cotton　MSS。；　Claudius；　C。　xi。　f　186；　b。。；　Omnes　custumarii　preter　liberos　qui　non　dant　gersumam　pro　filiis　et　filiabus。。。
  63。　E。　g。　ibid。　44；　a。
  64。　Bury　St。　Edmund's　Registrum　Album；　Cambr。　Univ。；　Ee。　iii。　6o；　f　154；　b。；　Et　nota　quod　si　prepositus　hundredi　capiat　gersumam。　de　aliquo　libero；　dominus　habebit　medietatem。'　Suffolk　Court　Rolls；　3　（Bodleian）：　'gersuma　si　evenerit　filii　vel　filie；　finem　faciet　in　hundredo；　sed　celerarius　habebit　medietatem　finis。'
  65。　Rot。　Hundr。　ii。　484；　b；　485；　a。
  66。　Ibid。　ii　749；　b。
  67。　Ibid。　i。　6。
  68。　Coram　Rege；　Trin。；　3　Edw。　I；　m。　14；　d。
  69。　Rot。　Hundr。　i。　19。
  70。　Cf。　a　very　definite　case　of　oppression；　Placit。　Abbrev。；　150。
  71。　Statutes　of　the　Realm；　i。　224。
  72。　Notebook　of　Bracton；　pl。　1334　and　1644。
  73。　Rochester　Cart。　（Thorpe）；　19　a：　'Dominus　non　debet　aliquem　operarium。　injuste　et　sine　judicio　a　terra　Sua　ejicere。'　Ibid。　10；　a：　'in　crastino　Sancti　Martini　non　ponet　eos　（dominus）　ad　opera　sine　consensu　eorundem。'　Black　Book　of　St。　Augustine；　Cotton　MSS。'　Faustina；　A。　i。　f　185；　d：　'（Consuetudines　villanorum　de　Plumsted）　Villani　de　P。　tenent　quatuor　juga　et　debent　inde　arare　quatuor　acras　et　seminare。。。　et　debent　metere　in　autumpno　8　acras　de　ivernagio　vel　4　acras　de　alio　blado。。。。　Et　debent　falcare　2　acras　prati。。。。　Item　debent　duo　averagia　per　annum　a　Plumsted　ad　Newenton　et　nihil　debent　averare　ad　tunc　nisi　res　que　sunt　ad　opus　conventus　et　que　poni　debent　super　ripam。'
  74。　Notebook　of　Bracton；　pl。　1334：　'。。。　et　consuetudo　est　quod　uxores　maritorum　defunctorum　habeant　francum　bancum　suum　de　terris　sokemannorum。'　Rot。　Hundr。　i。　201；　202：　'habent　et　vendunt　maritagia　sokemannorum　aliter　quam　deberent；　quia　in　Kancia　non　est　warda。'
  75。　Cf　Elton；　Tenures　of　Kent。
  76。　Notebook　of　Bracton；　pl。　1419：　'et　ipsi　veniunt　et　dicunt　quid　nunquam　cartam　illam　fecit　nec　facere　potuit　quia　uillanus　fuit　et　terram　suam　defendidit　per　furcam　ct　flagellum。'
  77。　Seebohm；　Village　Community；　103；　followed　by　Scrutton；　Commons　and　Common　Fields；　38；　and　Ashley；　Economic　History；　i。　18。
  78。　Maitland；　Introduction　to　Manorial　Rolls；　lxix。
  Chapter　7
  The　Peasantry　of　the　Feudal　Age。　Conclusions。
  I　have　divided　my　analysis　of　the　condition　of　the　feudal　peasantry　into　two　parts　according　to　a　principle　forcibly　suggested；　as　I　think；　by　the　material　at　hand。　The　records　of　trials　in　the　King's　Court；　and　the　doctrines　of　lawyers　based　on　them；　cannot　be　treated　in　the　same　way　as　the　surveys　compiled　for　the　use　of　manorial　administration。　There　is　a　marked　difference　between　the　two　sets　of　documents　as　to　method　and　point　of　view。　In　the　case　of　legal　records　a　method　of　dialectic　examination　could　be　followed。　Legal　rules　are　always　more　or　less　connected　between　themselves；　and　the　investigator　has　to　find　out；　first；　from　the　application　of　what　principles　they　flow；　and　to　find　out；　secondly；　whether　fundamental　contradictions　disclose　a　fusion　of　heterogeneous　elements。　The　study　of　manorial　documents　had　to　proceed　by　way　of　classification；　to　establish　in　what　broad　classes　the　local　variations　of　terms　and　notions　arrange　themselves；　and　what　variations　of　daily　life　these　groups　or　classes　represent。　　　　　It　is　not　strange；　of　course；　that　things　should　assume　a　somewhat　different　aspect　according　to　the　point　of　view　from　which　they　are　described。　Legal　classification　need　not　go　into　details　which　may　be　very　important　for　purposes　of　manorial　administration；　neither　the　size　of　the　holdings　nor　the　complex　variations　of　services　have　to　be　looked　to　in　cases　where　the　law　of　status　is　concerned。　Still　it　may　be　taken　for　granted　that　the　distinctions　and　rules　followed　by　the　courts　had　to　conform　in　a　general　way　with　matter…of…fact　conditions。　Lawyers　naturally　disregarded　minute　subdivisions；　but　their　broad　classes　were　not　invented　at　fancy；　they　took　them　from　life　as　they　did　the　few　traits　they　chose　from　among　many　as　tests　for　the　purpose　of　laying　down　clear　and　convenient　rules。　A　general　conformity　is　apparent　in　every　point。　At　the　same　time　there　is　undoubtedly　an　opposition　between　the　curial　（if　I　may　use　that　term）　and　the　manorial　treatment　of　status　and　tenure；　which　does　not　resolve　itself　into　a　difference　between　broad　principle　and　details。　Just　because　the　lawyer　has　to　keep　to　distinct　rules；　he　will　often　be　behind　his　age　and　sometimes　in　advance　of　it。　His　doctrine；　once　established；　is　slow　to　follow　the　fluctuations　of　husbandry　and　politics：　while　in　both　departments　new　facts　are　ever　cropping　up　and　gathering　strength；　which　have　to　fight　their　way　against　the　rigidity　of　jurisprudence　before　they　are　accepted　by　it。　On　the　other　hand；　notions　of　old　standing　and　tenacious　tradition　cannot　be　put　away　at　once；　so　soon　as　some　new　departure　has　been　taken　by　jurists；　and　even　when　they　die　out　at　common　law　such　notions　persist　in　local　habits　and　practical　life。　For　these　reasons；　which　hold　good　more　or　less　everywhere；　and　are　especially　conspicuous　in　mediaeval　history；　the　general　relation　between　legal　and　manorial　documents　becomes　especially　important。　It　will　widen　and　strengthen　conclusions　drawn　from　the　analysis　of　legal　theory。　We　may　be　sure　to　find　in　thirteenth…century　documents　of　practical　administration　the　foundations　of　a　system　which　prevailed　at　law　in　the　fifteenth。　And　what　is　much　more　interesting；　we　may　be　sure　to　find　in　local　customaries　the　traces　of　a　system　which　had　its　day　long　before　the　thirteenth　century；　but　was　still　lingering　in　broken　remains。　　　　　Bracton　defines　villainage　as　a　condition　of　men　who　do　not　know　in　the　evening　what　work　and　how　much　they　will　have　to　perform　next　morning。　The　corresponding　tenure　is　entirely　precarious　and　uncertain　at　law。　But　these　fundamental　positions　of　legal　doctrine　we　find　opposed　in　daily　life　to　the　all…controlling　rule　of　custom。　The　peasant　knows　exactly　on　what　days　he　bas　to　appear　personally　or　by　representative　at　ploughings　and　reapings；　how　many　loads　he　is　bound　to　carry；　and　how　many　eggs　he　is　expected　to　bring　at　Easter；（1*）　in　most　cases　he　knows　also　what　will　be　required　from　him　when　he　inherits　from　his　father　or　marries　his　daughter。　This　customary　arrangement　of　duties　does　not　find　any　expression　in　common　law；　and　vice　versa　the　rule　of　common　law　dwindles　down　in　daily　life　to　a　definition　of　power　which　may　be　exercised　in　exceptional　cases。　The　opposition　between　our　two　sets　of　records　is　evidently　connected　in　this　case　with　their　different　way　of　treating　facts。　　　　　Manorial　extents　and　inquests　give　in　themselves　only　a　one…sided　picture　of　mediaeval　village　life；　because　they　describe　it　only　from　the　point　of　view　of　the　holding；　people　who　do　not　own　land　are　very　seldom　noticed；　and　among　the　population　settled　on　the　land　only　those　persons　are　named　who　'defend'　the　tenement　in　regard　to　the　lord。　Only　the　chief　of　the　household　appears；　this　is　a　matter　of　course。　He　may　have　many　or　few　children；　many　or　few　women　engaged　on　his　plot：　the　extent　will　not　make　any　difference　in　the　description　of　the　tenement　and　of　its　services。　But　although　very　incomplete　in　this　important　respect；　manorial　records　allow　us　many　a　glimpse　at　the　process　which　was　preparing　a　great　change　in　the　law　Hired　labourers　are　frequently　mentioned　in　stewards'　accounts；　and　the　'undersette'　and　'levingmen'　and　'anelipemen'（2*）　of　the　extents　correspond　evidently　to　this　fluctuating　population　of　rural　workmen　and　squatters　gathering　behind　the　screen　of　recognised　peasant　holders。　　　　　The　very　foundation　of　the　mediaeval　system；　its　organisation　of　work　according　to　equalised　holdings　and　around　a　manorial　centre；　is　in　course　of　time　undermined　by　the　process　of　commutation。　Villains　are　released　from　ploughings　and　reapings；　from　carriage…duties　and　boon　work　by　paying　certain　rents；　they　bargain　with　the　lord　for　a　surrender　of　his　right　of　arbitrary　taxation　and　arbitrary　amercement；　they　take　leases　of　houses；　arable　and　meadows。　This　important　movement　is　directly　noticed　by　the　law　in　so　far　as　it　takes　the　shape　of　an　increase　in　the　number　of　freeholders　and　of　freehold　tenements；　charters　and　instruments　of　conveyance　may　be　concerned　with　it。　But　the　process　is　chiefly　apparent　in　a　standing　contradiction　with　the　law。　Legally　an　arrangement　with　a　villain　either　ought　not　to　bind　the　lord　or　else　ought　to　destroy　his　power。　Even　in　law　books；　however；　the　intermediate　form　of　a　binding　covenant　with　the　villain　emerges；　as　we　have　seen；　in　opposition　to　the　consistent　theory。　In　practice　the　villains　are　constantly　found　possessed　of　'soclands；'　'forlands；'　and　freeholds。　The　passage　from　obligatory　labour　to　proprietary　rights　is　effected　in　this　way　without　any　sudden　emancipation；　by　the　gradual　accumulation　of　facts　which　are　not　strictly　legal　and　at　the　same　time　tend　to　become　legal。　　　　　Again；　the　Royal　courts　do　not　know　anything　about　'molmen；'　'gavelmen；'　or　'censuarii；'　They　keep　to　the　plain　distinction　between　free　and