the　other；　but　on　the　one　side　is　the　labourer　and　on　the　other
  the　capitalist；　and　however　successful　the　workmen　may　be；　the
  smallest　fraction　of　their　produce　which　the　capitalist　can
  scrape　up　he　will　assuredly　stay　to　collect。　The　combination　of
  the　workmen　will　not　frighten　away　their　own　skill；　nor　unlearn
  them　what　thy　have　learned。　Their　hand　will　not　forget　its
  cunning；　when　its　produce　goes　no　longer　into　the　pocket　of　the
  capitalist。　Capitalists；　who　can　grow　rich　only　where　there　is　an
  oppressed　body　of　labourers；　may　probably　carry　off　some　of　their
  cloth；　and　their　corn；　and　their　machines　to　some　country　like
  Prussia；　where　the　poor　people　can　learn　nothing　but　what　the
  king　and　his　schoolmasters　please；　or　like　France；　where　a
  watchful　police　allows　no　man　to　utter　a　thought　but　such　as
  suits　the　views　of　a　government　and　priesthood　anxious　to　restore
  despotism　and　superstition；　but　they　cannot；　unless　the　labourers
  please；　carry　with　them　the　mouths　which　consume；　or　the　hands
  which　make　their　capital　useful；　and　where　these　are　there　will
  be　the　productive　power。　Our　labourers　already　possess　in　an
  eminent　degree　the　skill　to　execute；　and　they　are　rapidly
  acquiring　also　the　skill　to　contrive。　Never　was　there　a　more　idle
  threat　uttered；　therefore；　than　that　the　combinations　of　skilled
  labourers　to　obtain　greater　rewards　than　they　now　possess　will
  drive　skilled　labour　from　the　country。
  This　analysis　also　of　the　operations　of　capital　leads　us　at
  once　boldly　to　pronounce　all　those　schemes　of　which　we　have　of
  late　heard　so　much　for　improving　countries；　by　sending　capital　to
  them；　to　be　mere　nonsense。　Of　what　use；　for　example；　would　the
  butter　and　salt　beef　and　pork　and　grain　now　exported　from　Ireland
  be　of　in　that　country　if　they　were　to　be　left　there；　or　if　they
  were　to　be　sent　back？　All　these　articles　form　some　of　the　most
  valuable　parts　of　circulating　capital；　and　so　far　from　there
  being　any　want　of　them　in　Ireland；　they　are　constantly　exported
  in　great　quantities。　It　is　plain；　therefore；　that　there　is　no
  want　of　circulating　capital　in　Ireland；　if　the　capitalist　would
  allow　the　wretched　producer　of　it　to　consume　it。　Of　what　use　also
  would　steam　engines　or　power　looms　or　stocking　frames　or　mining
  tools　be　to　the　ragged　peasantry　of　Ireland？　Of　none　whatever。
  If；　indeed；　masters　and　journeymen　went　over　with　these
  instruments　and　tools；　they　might　use　them；　and　by　consuming　at
  the　same　time　the　circulating　capital　now　exported　from　Ireland
  give　the　owner　of　it　a　large　profit；　and　they　might　teach　the
  ignorant　and　helpless　natives　how　to　make　use　of　the　various
  instruments　I　have　mentioned。　Those　who　talk　of　improving
  Ireland；　or　any　other　country；　by　capital　have　a　double　meaning
  in　their　words。　They　know　the　power　of　the　capitalist　over　the
  labourer；　and　that　whenever　the　master　goes　or　sends；　there　also
  must　the　slave　labourer　go。　But　neither　the　lawmaker　nor　the
  capitalist　possesses　any　miraculous　power　of　multiplying　loaves
  and　fishes；　or　of　commanding；　like　the　enchanters　of　old；
  broomsticks　to　do　the　work　of　men。　They　must　have　labourers；
  skilled　labourers；　and　without　them　it　is　nonsense　to　talk　of
  improving　a　country　and　a　people　by　corn　and　cloth　and　hatchets
  and　saws。
  The　wide　spread　of　education　among　the　journeyman　mechanics
  of　this　country　diminishes　daily　the　value　of　the　labour　and
  skill　of　almost　all　masters　and　employers　by　increasing　the
  number　of　persons　who　possess　their　peculiar　knowledge。　At　the
  same　time；　masters　and　employers　cannot　hope　that　the　labourers
  who　are　not　capitalists　will　remain　long　ignorant　of　the　manner
  in　which　masters　who　are　both　labourers　and　capitalist　lend
  themselves　to　the　views　of　the　capitalists　who　are　not　labourers。
  They　are　daily　acquiring　this　knowledge；　and　masters　cannot
  therefore　rationally　expect　a　termination　to　the　present　contest。
  On　the　contrary；　it　must　continue。　Even　if　it　should　be　stopped；
  it　will　again　and　again　occur。　It　is　not　possible　that　any　large
  body　of　men　who　are　acquainted　with　their　rights　will　tacitly
  acquiesce　in　insult　and　injury。　The　profits　of　the　masters；　as
  capitalist；　must　be　diminished；　whether　the　labourers　succeed　in
  obtaining　higher　wages；　or　the　combination　continues；　or　it　is
  from　time　to　time　renewed。　In　the　former　case；　the　masters；　as
  skilled　labourers；　will　share　in　the　increased　rewards　of
  industry；　in　either　of　the　two　latter；　not　only　will　their　profit
  be　destroyed；　but　their　wages　will　be　diminished　or　altogether
  annihilated。　Without　workmen　their　own　skill　and　labour　are　of　no
  use；　but　they　may　live　in　comfort　and　opulence　without　the
  capitalist。　Masters　and　employers；　therefore；　would　do　well　to
  recollect　that　by　supporting　the　claims　of　capital　they　diminish
  their　own　wages；　and　they　prolong　a　contest　which；　independent　of
  the　ill　temper　and　hatred　it　creates　and　perpetuates；　is　also
  injurious　to　them　as　inventors；　contrivers　and　skilled　labourers；
  and　which　must　ultimately　terminate　to　their　disadvantage。
  The　improved　education　of　the　labouring　classes　ought；　in
  the　present　question；　to　have　great　weight　also　with　statesmen；
  and　with　the　community　at　large。　The　schools；　which　are
  everywhere　established；　or　are　establishing；　for　their
  instruction；　make　it　impossible　for　the　greatest　visionary　to
  suppose　that　any　class　of　men　can　much　longer　be　kept　in
  ignorance　of　the　principles　on　which　societies　are　formed　and
  governed。　Mechanics'　institutions　will　teach　men　the　moral　as
  well　as　the　physical　sciences。　They　excite　a　disposition　to　probe
  all　things　to　the　bottom；　and　supply　the　means　of　carrying
  research　into　every　branch　of　knowledge。　He　must　be　a　very　blind
  statesman　who　does　not　see　in　this　indications　of　a　more
  extensive　change　in　the　frame　of　society　than　has　ever　yet　been
  made。　This　change　will　not　be　effected　by　violence；　and　cannot　be
  counteracted　by　force。　Holy　Alliance　can　put　down　the　quiet
  insurrection　by　which　knowledge　will　subvert　whatever　is　not
  founded　in　justice　and　truth。　The　interest　of　the　different
  classes　of　labourers　who　are　now　first　beginning　to　think　and　act
  as　a　body；　in　opposition　to　the　other　classes　among　whom；　with
  themselves；　the　produce　of　the　earth　is　distributed；　and　who　are
  now　only　for　the　first　time　beginning　to　acquire　as　extensive　a
  knowledge　of　the　principles　of　government　as　those　who　rule；　is
  too　deeply　implicated　by　these　principles　to　allow　them　to　stop
  short　in　their　career　of　inquiry。　They　may　care　nothing　about　the
  curious　researches　of　the　geologist　or　the　elaborate
  classification　of　the　botanist；　but　they　will　assuredly　ascertain
  why　they　only　of　all　classes　of　society　have　always　been　involved
  in　poverty　and　distress。　They　will　not　stop　short　of　any　ultimate
  truth；　and　they　have　experienced　too　few　of　the　advantages　of
  society　to　make　them　feel　satisfied　with　the　present　order　of
  things。　The　mind　is　rather　invigorated　than　enfeebled　by　the
  labour　of　the　hands；　and　they　will　carry　forward　their
  investigations　undelayed　by　the　pedantry　of　learning；　and
  undiverted　by　the　fastidiousness　of　taste。　By　casting　aside　the
  prejudices　which　fetter　the　minds　of　those　who　have　benefited　by
  their　degradation；　they　have　everything　to　hope。　On　the　other
  hand；　they　are　the　suffers　by　these　prejudices；　and　have
  everything　to　dread　from　their　continuance。　Having　no　reason　to
  love　those　institutions　which　limit　the　reward　of　labour；
  whatever　may　be　its　produce；　to　a　bare　subsistence；　they　will　not
  spare　them；　whenever　they　see　the　hollowness　of　the　claims　made
  on　their　respect。　As　the　labourers　acquire　knowledge；　the
  foundations　of　the　social　edifice　will　be　dug　up　from　the　deep
  beds　into　which　they　were　laid　in　times　past；　they　will　be
  curiously　handled　and　closely　examined；　and　they　will　not　be
  restored　unless　they　were　originally　laid　in　justice；　and　unless
  justice　commands　their　preservation。
  Without　joining　in　any　of　the　commonplace　observations
  against　taking　interest；　and　against　usury；　which；　however；
  support　my　view　of　capital；　I　have　show　that　it　has　no　just　claim
  to　any　share　of　the　labourer's　produce；　and　that　what　it　actually
  receives　is　the　cause　of　the　poverty　of　the　labourer。　It　is
  impossible　that　the　labourer　should　long　remain　ignorant　of　these
  facts；　or　acquiesce　in　this　state　of　things。
  In　truth；　also；　however　the　matter　may　be　disguised；　the
  combinations　among　workmen　to　obtain　higher　wages；　which　are　now
  so　general　and　so　much　complained　of；　are　practical　attacks　on
  the　claims　of　capital。　The　weight　of　its　chains　are　felt；　though
  the　hand　may　not　yet　be　clearly　seen　which　imposes　them。
  Gradually　as　the　resistance　increases；　as　laws　are　multiplied　for
  the　protection　of　capital；　as　claims　for　higher　wages　shall　be
  more　strenuously　and　more　violently　repressed；　the　cause　of　this
  oppression　will　be　more　distinctly　seen。　The　contest　now　appears
  to　be　between　masters　and　journeymen；　or　between　one　species　of
  labour　and　another；　but　it　will　soon　be　displayed　in　its　proper
  characters；　and　will　stand　confessed　a　war　of　honest　industry
  against　the　idle　profligacy　which　has　so　long　ruled　the　affairs
  of　the　polit