You　are　again　at　war；　I　find。　　But　we；　I　hope；　shall　be
  permitted　to　run　the　race　of　peace。　　Your　government　has　wisely
  removed　what　certainly　endangered　collision　between　us。　　I　now　see
  nothing　which　need　ever　interrupt　the　friendship　between　France　and
  this　country。　　Twenty　years　of　peace；　and　the　prosperity　so　visibly
  flowing　from　it；　have　but　strengthened　our　attachment　to　it；　and　the
  blessings　it　brings；　and　we　do　not　despair　of　being　always　a
  peaceable　nation。　　We　think　that　peaceable　means　may　be　devised　of
  keeping　nations　in　the　path　of　justice　towards　us；　by　making　justice
  their　interest；　and　injuries　to　react　on　themselves。　　Our　distance
  enables　us　to　pursue　a　course　which　the　crowded　situation　of　Europe
  renders　perhaps　impracticable　there。
  Be　so　good　as　to　accept　for　yourself　and　M。　de　La　Roche；　my
  friendly　salutations；　and　assurances　of　great　consideration　and
  respect。
  THE　LOUISIANA　PURCHASE
  _To　John　C。　Breckinridge_
  _Monticello；　Aug。　12；　1803_
  DEAR　SIR；　　The　enclosed　letter；　tho'　directed　to　you；　was
  intended　to　me　also；　and　was　left　open　with　a　request；　that　when
  perused；　I　would　forward　it　to　you。　　It　gives　me　occasion　to　write　a
  word　to　you　on　the　subject　of　Louisiana；　which　being　a　new　one；　an
  interchange　of　sentiments　may　produce　correct　ideas　before　we　are　to
  act　on　them。
  Our　information　as　to　the　country　is　very　incompleat；　we　have
  taken　measures　to　obtain　it　in　full　as　to　the　settled　part；　which　I
  hope　to　receive　in　time　for　Congress。　　The　boundaries；　which　I　deem
  not　admitting　question；　are　the　high　lands　on　the　western　side　of　the
  Missisipi　enclosing　all　it's　waters；　the　Missouri　of　course；　and
  terminating　in　the　line　drawn　from　the　northwestern　point　of　the　Lake
  of　the　Woods　to　the　nearest　source　of　the　Missipi；　as　lately　settled
  between　Gr　Britain　and　the　U　S。　　We　have　some　claims；　to　extend　on
  the　sea　coast　Westwardly　to　the　Rio　Norte　or　Bravo；　and　better；　to　go
  Eastwardly　to　the　Rio　Perdido；　between　Mobile　&　Pensacola；　the
  antient　boundary　of　Louisiana。　　These　claims　will　be　a　subject　of
  negociation　with　Spain；　and　if；　as　soon　as　she　is　at　war；　we　push
  them　strongly　with　one　hand；　holding　out　a　price　in　the　other；　we
  shall　certainly　obtain　the　Floridas；　and　all　in　good　time。　　In　the
  meanwhile；　without　waiting　for　permission；　we　shall　enter　into　the
  exercise　of　the　natural　right　we　have　always　insisted　on　with　Spain；
  to　wit；　that　of　a　nation　holding　the　upper　part　of　streams；　having　a
  right　of　innocent　passage　thro'　them　to　the　ocean。　　We　shall　prepare
  her　to　see　us　practise　on　this；　&　she　will　not　oppose　it　by　force。
  Objections　are　raising　to　the　Eastward　against　the　vast　extent
  of　our　boundaries；　and　propositions　are　made　to　exchange　Louisiana；
  or　a　part　of　it；　for　the　Floridas。　　But；　as　I　have　said；　we　shall　get
  the　Floridas　without；　and　I　would　not　give　one　inch　of　the　waters　of
  the　Mississippi　to　any　nation；　because　I　see　in　a　light　very
  important　to　our　peace　the　exclusive　right　to　it's　navigation；　&　the
  admission　of　no　nation　into　it；　but　as　into　the　Potomak　or　Delaware；
  with　our　consent　&　under　our　police。　　These　federalists　see　in　this
  acquisition　the　formation　of　a　new　confederacy；　embracing　all　the
  waters　of　the　Missipi；　on　both　sides　of　it；　and　a　separation　of　it's
  Eastern　waters　from　us。　　These　combinations　depend　on　so　many
  circumstances　which　we　cannot　foresee；　that　I　place　little　reliance
  on　them。　　We　have　seldom　seen　neighborhood　produce　affection　among
  nations。　　The　reverse　is　almost　the　universal　truth。　　Besides；　if　it
  should　become　the　great　interest　of　those　nations　to　separate　from
  this；　if　their　happiness　should　depend　on　it　so　strongly　as　to　induce
  them　to　go　through　that　convulsion；　why　should　the　Atlantic　States
  dread　it？　　But　especially　why　should　we；　their　present　inhabitants；
  take　side　in　such　a　question？　　When　I　view　the　Atlantic　States；
  procuring　for　those　on　the　Eastern　waters　of　the　Missipi　friendly
  instead　of　hostile　neighbors　on　it's　Western　waters；　I　do　not　view　it
  as　an　Englishman　would　the　procuring　future　blessings　for　the　French
  nation；　with　whom　he　has　no　relations　of　blood　or　affection。　　The
  future　inhabitants　of　the　Atlantic　&　Missipi　States　will　be　our　sons。
  We　leave　them　in　distinct　but　bordering　establishments。　　We　think　we
  see　their　happiness　in　their　union；　&　we　wish　it。　　Events　may　prove
  it　otherwise；　and　if　they　see　their　interest　in　separation；　why
  should　we　take　side　with　our　Atlantic　rather　than　our　Missipi
  descendants？　　It　is　the　elder　and　the　younger　son　differing。　　God
  bless　them　both；　&　keep　them　in　union；　if　it　be　for　their　good；　but
  separate　them；　if　it　be　better。　　The　inhabited　part　of　Louisiana；
  from　Point　Coupee　to　the　sea；　will　of　course　be　immediately　a
  territorial　government；　and　soon　a　State。　　But　above　that；　the　best
  use　we　can　make　of　the　country　for　some　time；　will　be　to　give
  establishments　in　it　to　the　Indians　on　the　East　side　of　the　Missipi；
  in　exchange　for　their　present　country；　and　open　land　offices　in　the
  last；　&　thus　make　this　acquisition　the　means　of　filling　up　the
  Eastern　side；　instead　of　drawing　off　it's　population。　　When　we　shall
  be　full　on　this　side；　we　may　lay　off　a　range　of　States　on　the　Western
  bank　from　the　head　to　the　mouth；　&　so；　range　after　range；　advancing
  compactly　as　we　multiply。
  This　treaty　must　of　course　be　laid　before　both　Houses；　because
  both　have　important　functions　to　exercise　respecting　it。　　They；　I
  presume；　will　see　their　duty　to　their　country　in　ratifying　&　paying
  for　it；　so　as　to　secure　a　good　which　would　otherwise　probably　be
  never　again　in　their　power。　　But　I　suppose　they　must　then　appeal　to
  _the　nation_　for　an　additional　article　to　the　Constitution；　approving
  &　confirming　an　act　which　the　nation　had　not　previously　authorized。
  The　constitution　has　made　no　provision　for　our　holding　foreign
  territory；　still　less　for　incorporating　foreign　nations　into　our
  Union。　　The　Executive　in　seizing　the　fugitive　occurrence　which　so
  much　advances　the　good　of　their　country；　have　done　an　act　beyond　the
  Constitution。　　The　Legislature　in　casting　behind　them　metaphysical
  subtleties；　and　risking　themselves　like　faithful　servants；　must
  ratify　&　pay　for　it；　and　throw　themselves　on　their　country　for　doing
  for　them　unauthorized　what　we　know　they　would　have　done　for
  themselves　had　they　been　in　a　situation　to　do　it。　　It　is　the　case　of
  a　guardian；　investing　the　money　of　his　ward　in　purchasing　an
  important　adjacent　territory；　&　saying　to　him　when　of　age；　I　did　this
  for　your　good；　I　pretend　to　no　right　to　bind　you：　you　may　disavow　me；
  and　I　must　get　out　of　the　scrape　as　I　can：　I　thoughtit　my　duty　to
  risk　myself　for　you。　　But　we　shall　not　be　disavowed　by　the　nation；
  and　their　act　of　indemnity　will　confirm　&　not　weaken　the
  Constitution；　by　more　strongly　marking　out　its　lines。
  We　have　nothing　later　from　Europe　than　the　public　papers　give。
  I　hope　yourself　and　all　the　Western　members　will　make　a　sacred　point
  of　being　at　the　first　day　of　the　meeting　of　Congress；　for　_vestra　res
  agitur。_
  Accept　my　affectionate　salutations　&　assurances　of　esteem　&
  respect。
  A　CONSTITUTIONAL　AMENDMENT
  _To　Wilson　Cary　Nicholas_
  _Monticello；　Sep。　7；　1803_
  DEAR　SIR；　　Your　favor　of　the　3d　was　delivered　me　at　court；
  but　we　were　much　disappointed　at　not　seeing　you　here；　Mr。　Madison　&
  the　Gov。　being　here　at　the　time。　　I　enclose　you　a　letter　from　Monroe
  on　the　subject　of　the　late　treaty。　　You　will　observe　a　hint　in　it；　to
  do　without　delay　what　we　are　bound　to　do。　　There　is　reason；　in　the
  opinion　of　our　ministers；　to　believe；　that　if　the　thing　were　to　do
  over　again；　it　could　not　be　obtained；　&　that　if　we　give　the　least
  opening；　they　will　declare　the　treaty　void。　　A　warning　amounting　to
  that　has　been　given　to　them；　&　an　unusual　kind　of　letter　written　by
  their　minister　to　our　Secretary　of　State；　direct。　　Whatever　Congress
  shall　think　it　necessary　to　do；　should　be　done　with　as　little　debate
  as　possible；　&　particularly　so　far　as　respects　the　constitutional
  difficulty。　　I　am　aware　of　the　force　of　the　observations　you　make　on
  the　power　given　by　the　Constn　to　Congress；　to　admit　new　States　into
  the　Union；　without　restraining　the　subject　to　the　territory　then
  constituting　the　U　S。　　But　when　I　consider　that　the　limits　of　the　U　S
  are　precisely　fixed　by　the　treaty　of　1783；　that　the　Constitution
  expressly　declares　itself　to　be　made　for　the　U　S；　I　cannot　help
  believing　the　intention　was　to　permit　Congress　to　admit　into　the
  Union　new　States；　which　should　be　formed　out　of　the　territory　for
  which；　&　under　whose　authority　alone；　they　were　then　acting。　　I　do
  not　believe　it　was　meant　that　they　might　receive　England；　Ireland；
  Holland；　&c。　into　it；　which　would　be　the　case　on　your　constructi