第 14 节
作者:
泰达魔王 更新:2022-08-21 16:34 字数:9320
Amsterdam; a telegram which admirably illustrated the impossibility of
separating judgment of the present position of the Unions from judgments
of the Russian revolution as a whole。 It encouraged the Unions 〃in their
struggle〃 and promised support in that struggle。 The Communists
immediately asked 〃What struggle? Against the capitalist system in Russia
which does not exist? Or against capitalist systems outside Russia?〃
They said that either the telegram meant this latter only; or it meant that its
writers did not believe that there had been a social revolution in Russia。
The point is arguable。 If one believes that revolution is an impossibility;
one can reason from that belief and say that in spite of certain upheavals in
Russia the fundamental arrangement of society is the same there as in
other countries; so that the position of the Trade Unions there must be the
same; and; as in other countries they must be still engaged in augmenting
the dinners of their members at the expense of the dinners of the capitalists
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which; in the long run (if that were possible) they would abolish。 If; on
the other hand; one believes that social revolution has actually occurred; to
speak of Trades Unions continuing the struggle in which they conquered
something like three years
ago; is to urge them to a sterile fanaticism which has been neatly
described by Professor Santayana as a redoubling of your effort when you
have forgotten your aim。
It 's probably true that the 〃aim〃 of the Trades Unions was more
clearly defined in Russia than elsewhere。 In England during the greater
part of their history the Trades Unions have not been in conscious
opposition to the State。 In Russia this position was forced on the Trades
Unions almost before they had time to get to work。 They were born; so
to speak; with red flags in their hands。 They grew up under
circumstances of extreme difficulty and persecution。 From 1905 on they
were in decided opposition to the existing system; and were revolutionary
rather than merely mitigatory organizations。
Before 1905 they were little more than associations for mutual help;
very weak; spending most of their energies in self…preservation from the
police; and hiding their character as class organizations by electing more
or less Liberal managers and employers as 〃honorary members。〃 1905;
however; settled their revolutionary character。 In September of that year
there was a Conference at Moscow; where it was decided to call an All…
Russian Trades Union Congress。 Reaction in Russia made this impossible;
and the most they could do was to have another small Conference in
February; 1906; which; however; defined their object as that of creating a
general Trade Union Movement organized on All…Russian lines。 The
temper of the Trades Unions then; and the condition of the country at that
time; may be judged from the fact that although they were merely working
for the right to form Unions; the right to strike; etc。; they passed the
following significant resolution: 〃Neither from the present Government
nor from the future State Duma can be expected realization of freedom of
coalition。 This Conference considers the legalization of the Trades
Unions under present conditions absolutely impossible。〃 The
Conference was right。 For twelve years after that there were no Trades
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Unions Conferences in Russia。 Not until June; 1917; three months after
the March Revolution; was the third Trade Union Conference able to meet。
This Conference reaffirmed the revolutionary character of the Russian
Trades Unions。
At that time the dominant party in the Soviets was that of the
Mensheviks; who were opposed to the formation of a Soviet Government;
and were supporting the provisional Cabinet of Kerensky。 The Trades
Unions were actually at that time more revolutionary than the Soviets。
This third Conference passed several resolutions; which show clearly
enough that the present position of the Unions has not been brought about
by any violence of the Communists from without; but was definitely
promised by tendencies inside the Unions at a time when the Communists
were probably the least authoritative party in Russia。 This Conference of
June; 1917; resolved that the Trades Unions should not only 〃remain
militant class organizations 。 。 。 but 。 。 。 should support the activities of the
Soviets of soldiers and deputies。〃 They thus clearly showed on which
side they stood in the struggle then proceeding。 Nor was this all。 They
also; though the Mensheviks were still the dominant party; resolved on
that system of internal organizations and grouping; which has been
actually realized under the Communists。 I quote again from the
resolution of this Conference:
〃The evolution of the economic struggle demands from the workers
such forms of professional organization as; basing themselves on the
connection between various groups of workers in the process of
production; should unite within a general organization; and under general
leadership; as large masses of workers as possible occupied in enterprises
of the same kind; or in similar professions。 With this object the workers
should organize themselves professionally; not by shops or trades; but by
productions; so that all the workers of a given enterprise should belong to
one Union; even if they belong to different professions and even different
productions。〃 That which was then no more than a design is now an
accurate description of Trades Union organization in Russia。 Further;
much that at present surprises the foreign inquirer was planned and
considered desirable then; before the Communists had won a majority
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either in the Unions or in the Soviet。 Thus this same third Conference
resolved that 〃in the interests of greater efficiency and success in the
economic struggle; a professional organization should be built on the
principle of democratic centralism; assuring to every member a share in
the affairs of the organization and; at the same time; obtaining unity in the
leadership of the struggle。〃 Finally;
〃Unity in the direction (leadership) of the economic struggle demands
unity in the exchequer of the Trades Unions。〃
The point that I wish to make in thus illustrating the pre…Communist
tendencies of the Russian Trades Unions is not simply that if their present
position is undesirable they have only themselves to thank for it; but that
in Russia the Trades Union movement before the October Revolution was
working in the direction of such a revolution; that the events of October
represented something like a Trade Union victory; so that the present
position of the Unions as part of the organization defending that victory; as
part of the system of government set up by that revolution; is logical and
was to be expected。 I have illustrated this from resolutions; because
these give statements in words easily comparable with what
has come to pass。 It would be equally easy to point to deeds instead
of words if we need more forcible though less accurate illustrations。
Thus; at the time of the Moscow Congress the Soviets; then
Mensheviks; who were represented at the Congress (the object of the
Congress was to whip up support for the Coalition Government) were
against strikes of protest。 The Trades Unions took a point of view nearer
that of the Bolsheviks; and the strikes in Moscow took place in spite of the